Editorial http://cameroon-concord.com Sat, 16 Dec 2017 11:16:34 +0000 Joomla! - Open Source Content Management en-gb La Republique, Southern Cameroons Should Go Their Separate Ways – Mola http://cameroon-concord.com/la-republique-southern-cameroons-should-go-their-separate-ways-mola http://cameroon-concord.com/la-republique-southern-cameroons-should-go-their-separate-ways-mola La Republique, Southern Cameroons Should Go Their Separate Ways – Mola

Anglophone Patriarch, Mola Njoh Litumbe, who recently returned from a mission on behalf of the Southern Cameroons to the United Nations headquarters in New York, USA and Europe, has stated in an interview granted The Post, that he went to the world body to convince it to oversee dialogue with La Republique du Cameroon. But that, given the genocide meted on Southern Cameroonians, he wants the UN to supervise the two nations to go their separate ways.

What was your mission to the United Nations?

When I addressed the Political Administrative Heads, I said I had sent a file of preliminary letters to shorten the length of an interview on situation of the Southern Cameroons. The Head of the Central African Department said he hadn’t received any letters.

I had a duplicate of the letters that I had kept and I told him that I can lend him the pile which contains all I have been writing about for him to photocopy, so that he can present it to his hierarchy. He accepted. So, I went on holiday and before I came back, they had returned my file to me. I told him that I wanted to see the next level of his hierarchy so that I can find out what next step they are going to take.

He said he photocopied my full dossier and a copy of the interview I had and that he had already sent it to all departments of the UN. So, it seems to me that there is secretariat gatekeeper whom the mails go through and he decides what to pass on and what not to pass on. Remember that President Trump of the US, during the last UN meeting, said that the UN is not doing their work well; that they are just come to have a good time.

So, it was this time around that the UN realised that we had been sending petitions all along which they have never seen. President Trump even recited that there are some countries,whereby, the right of Independence and Self Determination are being suppressed, where people are being arrested and put in prison, where they shutdown internet.He said he was not going to tolerate that.

Talking about the internet, there we pictures of you with an award, what is it about?{loadposition myposition} 

Well, the people of the Southern Cameroons or Ambazonia invited me to a party. I arrived there and saw thousands of people from all over the Americas and other countries.

They said the event was actually a birthday party for me. I said I organised my 90th birthday last year, but they said I organised that one and that they have organised their own for me. During the party, they surprised me with an award, which they said was for my efforts in the Southern Cameroons/Ambazonia Struggle.

Southern Cameroonians are said to be divided between Unionists, Federalists and Separatists. To which group do you belong?

Southern Cameroons had been sufficiently educated to be granted their Independence on October 1, 1961. The highest organ of the United Nations so decided. The United Nations also decided that, before Britain left, they should graduate this colonial territory into an Independent State. And the terms of joining had been outlined before the United Nations by Ahmadou Ahidjo when he said that if Southern Cameroons was to join him, they would sit as equal partners and draw up the terms of joining.

There are no terms of joining, because,power was never handed to Southern Cameroons in consequence of which there was no agreement with Southern Cameroons. But haven taken power from Britain through the back door, instead of coming straight up, Ahidjo considered that that Southern Cameroons had been ‘dashed’ to La Republique du Cameroun, which is a serious misconception, because, it was to be a Federation of two States. You will find it in Chief Mukete’s book “My Odyssey”.

He has reproduced what Ahidjo stated. So, the understanding was that, we were to create a Federation of two States, equal in status. We have not, that means that he just took us as a colonial territory to add to La Republique du Cameroun and so exercised authority over Southern Cameroons in the mistaken belief that, it is his property.

The only territory called La Republique du Cameroun is the territory which gained Independence on January 1, 1960 and became a member of the UN on September 20, 1960. The Constitution of La Republique du Cameroun, which was passed by their Territorial Assembly in February 1960 was the one after the abortive Foumban.

That is why it was headmen who were posted in Sothern Cameroons until the British Mandate ended, because, the Government of Foncha, although he had a Ministerial Government, had no power over defence. In like manner, it had no power over foreign relations. So, the meeting in Foumban in July 1961 was a farce, because, Foncha had no power to negotiate internationally without the presence of the Commissioner of Cameroon. So nothing occurred in Foumban.

What can be done to solve this Southern Cameroons crisis?

That is why I went to the UN to confront them on whether they have any evidence of Southern Cameroons joining French Cameroon and whether Britain accomplished their duty of handing over power before they left. They did not do so. So I said La Republique du Cameroun, at the time of entry into the UN, entered with its territorial boundary.

That is what is recorded in the UN. By just entering with their territorial boundaries as a member State of the African Union which says in order to avoid troubles in Africa, keep the boundaries of your territory, on the date of your Independence. We were never part of that agreement.

So, it was the Constitution of La Republique du Cameroun which they amended on September 1,1961,when we were still a British colony and they changed their name from La Republique du Cameroun to La Republique Federale du Cameroun.

As I said before, you can’t marry yourself, however handsome you may be. You need a woman in order to celebrate a union. In like manner, you need two parties to create a Federation. Now, Ahidjo just changed his name, promulgated it into law on September 1, 1961, and we were not there. Ahidjo ruled on the basis of his constitution, not on the terms as organised by the International Community.

In spite of the concessions made by Government, you still went to the UN in pursuit of the statehood of Southern Cameroons. What will actually satisfy you, then?

I had hoped originally that the United Nations would invite La Republique du Cameroun which is a member and say the proceedings we had were that you and Southern Cameroons were to join and create a Federation of two States, equal in status. My advice to the United Nations was that, since there in no Union Treaty and La Republique rather annexed Southern Cameroons,call them, sit them together and let them try and see if the intentions of the founding fathers creating a Federation of two States, equal in status, can be realised. If they cannot be realised, then, the two parties should go their separate ways. Well, I am not a member of the General Assembly.

I addressed this to the Political Affairs Department of the UN. They asked that what is the way forward and I said; “You have power to summon La Republique du Cameroun to bring Southern Cameroons and say; you people intended to join in a Federation of two States, equal in status. That was the Resolution of the General Assembly of the UN. But we don’t see the two States anymore.So, to correct this issue, you have got to sit together and see if you can construct a Constitutional arrangement embodying the understandings you had from the word ‘go’.

So, I will lock you up in a room … if you get into agreement, you just sign it and you would then have complied with Article 102 of the UN Chatter. If you don’t agree, then, you go your separate ways. That is the separatist option. Is that where you belong?

First of all, there was no Federation which was created. We are still working under the Constitution of La Republique du Cameroun. To create a Federation, at all, you needed two parties of equal status. That was never done, so there’s no Federation. Ahidjo just took advantage of the departure of British Army and launched his own troops over here. He has been in occupation and annexation ever since.

And the solution to it is that the two parties should be brought together as equal delegations. If we get into such a conference, it would be the conference to repair all the damage that has been done. But if such a conference cannot be called by the United Nations, there is nothing that I can ever tell you we will ever join.

Thus, you are for the dialogue that has been proposed by civil society organisations and even the UN? That was my position when I was addressing the United Nations. Since then, things have developed in a manner all forecasted by the African Union Commission, that if this thing is not properly settled, it would result in Genocide.

How can I advise people to stay together when what has happened has happened? This is your brother, I kill him in your presence because he entered the gate and then, you call me later that, I should discuss with you after you had killed my brother. My mind would be so poisoned that I too would only be scheming to kill you. So, my position now, in the face of the massacre on Southern Cameroons … I say; NO! We have crossed the red light and we must go forward and look for our own State.

So, how are you going to do that, by declaring independence?

Southern Cameroonians have already declared it. It would now be left for the world. There were 64 countries which voted for the Independence of Southern Cameroons, but the resolution was passed unanimously.

Their actions have compelled this matter to another level, and now that La Republique has not opted for dialogue and has opted for genocide;now they don’t throw any stones at people, but to take life bullets and shoot at people mercilessly as I saw the evidence on the internet. This is an unthinkable way of treating another human being.

The only crime would be, fighting for the fundamental human rights of going to whatever church you belong, speaking your mind without necessarily going to destroy public properties of which there would be laws to try them, if they broke these laws. But to kill them, shows that you regard them as something below the dignity of a dog.

I see all these as two people having problems and the one party sees killing the other as the best way. This means you’re not equal, whereas, it a fundamental human right for you to express your opinion as to what type of Government you want to lead you. Mola

Interviewed by Bouddih Adams &Tah Nduko for Crusel News
- December 07, 2017

{loadposition myposition2}

bogus@bogus.com (Concord Essen) Editorial Fri, 08 Dec 2017 20:28:07 +0000
THE ANGLOPHONE PROBLEM: PATHWAY TOWARDS A COMPROMISED SOLUTION http://cameroon-concord.com/the-anglophone-problem-pathway-towards-a-compromised-solution http://cameroon-concord.com/the-anglophone-problem-pathway-towards-a-compromised-solution THE ANGLOPHONE PROBLEM: PATHWAY TOWARDS A COMPROMISED SOLUTION

My dear friends, Anglophones, Francophones, Southern Cameroonians, Ambazonians, West Cameroonians, Cameroun(ians), CPDM, SDF, et cetera. With a heavy heart I humbly write to you all, and hopefully with the wonders of the social media our entire nation.

I am grateful for the trust bestowed on me as ‘Ambassador for Peace’ by traditional institutions that take credit for the overwhelming 1961 Yes Plebiscite vote, who know the fervour and the determined will that animated the struggle of their people for reunification and the high hopes that fired that struggle.

I thank you for your service to countless victims of the Anglophone crisis. Through generous deeds many of you gave life to lifeless bodies in hospitals, shelter for some to endure the humiliation of arrest and the loneliness of a prison cell; food to undo the constant threat to life in jail, and by dint of your determination and prayers you inspired this generation to transform itself and begin to live up to the meaning of its creed. Thank you all.

That Cameroun is in the midst of crisis and on the eve of a bloody civil war is now well understood. The Anglophone Problem whose existence had been denied by the government for decades has finally plunged our nation into a political mayhem, creating a major fragility in the regional and ethnic alliances which its much-vaunted stability rest. Today, the foundation of reunification is shaky, teetering on the brink of collapse. Cracks are appearing in the edifice of the ‘One and Indivisible Fatherland’ and it may not endure, permanently the current state of affairs.

The big question is - how did we get to this point?

Critically examined, based on data and statistics, the Anglophone Problem can be traced back to 1961 when the leaders of the former UN Trust Territories of Southern Cameroons and the Republic of Cameroun; Prime Minister John Ngu Foncha and President Amadou Ahidjo respectively agreed in Foumban that the Federal Constitution would preserve the statehood of Southern Cameroons which became West Cameroon and the Republic of Cameroun which became East Cameroon. That was the spirit of Article 47 of the Federal Constitution, a promissory note to which every Cameroonian was to fall heir. This note was the foundation of our nation, a promise that West Cameroon and East Cameroon will be guaranteed equal unalienable rights in a federal, bilingual Cameroon.

In retrospect and according to expert analysts the Republic of Cameroun (East Cameroon) defaulted on that promissory note when president Ahidjo used Article 2 of the Federal Constitution, superseding Article 47 to call for the 1972 referendum which shredded the federal constitution and dismantled the federal structure of West Cameroon and East Cameroon.

This obscure gyp according to luminaries of the Anglophone struggle was the tortuous road that paved the way for the autonomy of West Cameroon under a Prime Minister to be reduced from statehood to minority-hood: North West and South West provinces (regions).

This they believe is the road that led to the submergence of Anglo-Saxon Educational, Legal, Economic and Socio Cultural systems and over which millions of Anglophones are shut out of jobs, denied fair political representation and deprived of their traditions, decent education and a fair share of the national cake. This same road many say transformed the once booming former West Cameroon into a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity - with Anglophones languishing in the corners of the Cameroun society and find themselves exile in their own land.

The road has opened into plane fields of Diaspora sanctuaries where uncountable Anglophones are travelling to find a new sense of dignity, and it will - they are convince, be widened and lengthened into a super highway of collective anger and frustration that will snowball into a major political crisis reminiscent of events that prompted the Southern Cameroons to end its forty five years of integration with Nigeria – if Yaoundé’s flagship for dialogue continuous to be surreal brutality or corrupting a self-interested, easily beguiled and sometimes irresponsible so-call-Anglophone-elite in exchange for material reward or social honours.

Put in proper perspective, this has been a traumatizing experience for a people who freely come into a union because they were guaranteed a federation of two states equal in status.

Over the years, all attempts by Anglophones to voice their anger were brutally suppressed by the government. It was this frustration, born of oppression, subjugation, marginalisation and neglect that finally led some Anglophones in desperation for the cause of an ante-1972 status quo, organised political dissent, to which some senior government officials ridiculed and referred to them as “les Biafrais, les ennemies dans la maison, les traitres” etc, telling them to go anywhere. But initially Anglophones did not want to go anywhere else, their cry was much like a marital union calling for a genuine conversation and the bonding of hearts. Yet, every so often they were intimidated to submission, killed, raped, maimed, imprisoned and forced to seek refuge abroad.

Amidst gathering clouds and the raging storms of national integration, Anglophones kept walking beneath the shadows in despair not simply because they could not extricate themselves and gaze up with eagerness to regain a paradise lost, but because they remained faithful to the ideals of their forbearers and wholeheartedly committed to the task of healing the festering wounds of the nation's original sin. They saw injustice and endured pain in order to right what was wrong, fearing nothing and risking everything for those brotherhood ideals. But strangely, in spite of all the sacrifices Anglophones made in that longed-for-place, the land of their forbearers’ dreams despised them. Lost and content with suspicion, anger and long-held grudges the people of the North West and South West regions of Cameroun finally chose unity of purpose over division and discord that for far too long had strangled their politics.

In the spirit of the “Original Thirteen”, the spirit of the Endeleys, Fonchas, Mbiles, Juas etc, they decided to proclaim an end to years of false promises, recriminations and worn out dogmas, that enslaved them for five decades. To Anglophones at home and those scattered around the world it was time to reaffirm that enduring Southern Cameroons spirit of Enugu 1953. It was time to choose their better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that God-given promise, a noble idea, passed on from the Mukongs, Gorjis-Ayambas-Litumbes to the Ebong-Fussung-Elad-Munzu-Anyangwes, to the Bobgas-Tassangs-Fontems-Ballas-Wirbas-Ayahs to the Manchos-Tapangs-Baras-Ayabas-Akwangas-Tabes (not exclusively) that from generation to generation all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

It was within this context that Anglophones of all ages; men, women and children unperturbed by the annual October intimidations, and sporadic incarcerations venture to march towards their promised land, singing songs of freedom, when they were massacred by a far-reaching network of violence and hatred by men who moralised on the prodigious virtues of brotherhood.

Amid mortar bursts and whining helicopter bullets these martyrs laid prostrate on the blood-flowing streets of Ndu, Nso, Kumba, Buea, Bamenda, Mutengene, Mamfe and Akwaya (not exclusively).

In their numbers, Anglophones say the road they have taken to this point has not been easy. But then again, they all agree that the road to change never is. Today their cities, towns and villages are sick of what many now call “doorbell fever” a contagious nervousness that keeps families in a state of fear that gendarmes might ring their bells at midnight and take them away for questioning or torture.

I am also mindful of the gendarmes, the police and the army officers brought down by youngsters who have become radicalised by the most brutal expression of a government's inhumanity to its own citizens.

Now this is really scary! Never in a million years would I have guessed that gendarmes could open fire on unarmed young people, or that young people might someday find the strength to kill gendarmes and police officers in our neighbourhoods. These are the ingredients of a civil war, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of our entire nation.

On November 11, 2014, long before the Anglophone crisis escalated I led a Royal delegation of Paramount Fons from the North West region to Yaoundé. In an audience with Prime Minister Philemon Yang at the Star Building, I took exception to some Anglophone elite who claimed the Anglophone Problem did not exist. I described it as “a potentially explosive situation that needs to be handled in order to stop it from degenerating into a full-fledged conflict one day”, finally submitting a blue-print proposal for solution. After that meeting, our delegation was received by the Minister of Territorial Administration and Decentralisation (MINATD), Rene Emmanuel Sadi. I pleaded with the MINATD boss to “make hay on the Anglophone Problem while the sun shines” but unfortunately, the government did not embrace our wise counsel (see The Post Newspaper No. 01580 of Friday, Nov 14, 2014).

This outreach was a precursor to numerous consultations luminaries of the Anglophone struggle, meetings with senior government officials including letters to H.E President Paul Biya, a press conference at Mont Febé Hotel, appearances on Equinox TV, CRTV News, Morning Safari, Face the Nation, Cameroon Calling etc.

Drawing from these consultations, I strongly believe that even though the government acknowledges that what ails the Anglophone community is real and the people’s anger powerful, it is assuming that this wave of Anglophone protest will peter out as in the past. But what the government fails to understand is that this generation of Anglophones are not ready for short-cuts or to settle for less. They are well schooled; they know the facts and have refused to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. Above all, this generation of Anglos wholeheartedly believe that unarmed truth and unconditional North West –South West love will have the final word in reality. This is why they are convince that right temporarily defeated is stronger than evil triumphant.

So, as the whirlwinds of revolt continue across Anglophone Cameroun, with low-hovering clouds of ghost towns and curfew nights darker than a thousand midnights, there is hardly any moment more self-offering, more natural and more opportune than now, the eve of what might be the worst civil war in our history. Now is the time for us to lift our brothers and sisters in Anglophone Cameroun from this dust of shame to reign supreme like all of God's children.

In 2012, I made a pledge to more than 400 traditional rulers of the North West and South West regions that I will do my utmost for a peaceful permanent solution to the Anglophone problem. I am not qualified to dictate what Anglophones want, neither am I qualified to decide on their behalf. But I strongly believe that to end this marvellous new militancy which has engulfed the Anglophone Community, and avert such a calamity in a manner that would appease both the government and aggrieved “Ambazonians”, we should give a chance to ongoing consultations for a member state of the United Nations to take the UN Trusteeship Council to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), for the sake of peace.

The Trusteeship Council which was assigned under the UN Charter to supervise the administration of UN Trust Territories – French Cameroun and British Northern Cameroons / British Southern Cameroons was the main colonisation machinery in Africa. Under its watchful eyes, French Cameroun was drenched in the blood of revolutionary heroes. The Council connived with France and Britain against the will of Southern Cameroons with the effects still visible. With an unprecedented surge in independence movements, which led to the dismantlement of colonial systems, decolonisation prompted colonial powers to formally suspend the operations of the Trusteeship Council, strategically shifting their neo-colonial agenda to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). In spite of its primary responsibility under the UN Charter for the maintenance of international peace and security, UNSC is a legalised caste system and the most significant legacy of colonialism and institutionalised discrimination.

Though there is growing and concerted UNSC call for peace in Cameroun, P-5 members (Russia, the United States, Britain, France and China) don’t really care if we literally kill one another. What matters to them is our natural resources and who they can use to exploit it. War is big money, so if there is chaos in Cameroun it will be big business for the elitist veto club who will embark on delay tactics to ensure they supply their missiles, bombs and other weapons of death, while covering up for each other and addressing only their strategic interest. Worst of all, with its veto power France who happen to be Cameroun’s landlord will block motions and prevent multilateralism that is based on democratically-evolved global consensus to proactively end any genocide, war crimes, or crimes against humanity in Cameroun.{loadposition myposition} 

It is solely for this reason that taking the United Nations to ICJ is the best way forward. It will serve as an international solidarity to oblige the Security Council to implement the ruling of the Court (an inclusive, sincere and genuine dialogue between the government and Anglophone leaders).

The rationale for taking the UN to court is apparently on the understanding that resolution 1608 (XV) of April 21, 1961 which had terminated the Trusteeship over Southern Cameroons was not fully implemented by the UN Trusteeship Council. Drawing from the fact that the resolution had definitive legal effect and the political debate cannot be reopened, the plaintiff’s goal, with remarkable modesty in this circumstance is “simply to ask the Court to state the law, and no more”.

It is worth mentioning that it was the ICJ ruling against the Republic of Cameroun on 02 December 1963 that handed Northern Cameroons to Nigeria. Likewise, it was because of the ICJ Judgment of 2002 that Nigeria finally conceded the disputed Bakassi Peninsula to the Republic of Cameroun.

It remains a truism that serious violations of international law could not be overlooked simply because a General Assembly resolution had changed the context in which those violations had been committed. Based on this premise, “The Unrefined History of Southern Cameroons” was commissioned by some Paramount Fons of the North West region, and will soon be made public.

“The Unrefined History of Southern Cameroons” is an independent finding into the root causes of the Anglophone Problem in Cameroun from 1884 to 1984. From the United Nations to France, Britain, Nigeria, Yaoundé and Buea (not exclusively) this 350 pages of historical compilation, adorned by countless photographic evidence revisits central debates in Southern Cameroons’ political history, especially those pegged around events prior to, during and after reunification.

The venerated kings recognise that if our country is to continue on the path of a more perfect union, it would be categorically imperative that Francophones and Anglophones know the truth, and in seeking the truth, no question whatsoever should be considered a taboo. This means that ethno-regional bias, partisan politics and historical negationism be taken off the academic discourse of our political history.

Considering the magnitude of the debate and the outbursts of ‘emotions- deep’, the Paramount Fons realize that not presenting the root causes of the “Anglophone Problem” in its entirety either inadvertently or deliberately is unhelpful to the discussion, controversial and weak (too weak) for such a unique opportunity to finally set the record straight and pave the way for a brighter common future - where Francophones and Anglophones can achieve their full potential irrespective of colonial inheritance or any other form of discrimination.

I would like to assert conclusively that our motives are pure and sincere and that we are moved to this by our profound love for our country and our deep concern for its welfare.

Thank you all, God bless

Emmanuel Nebafuh
North West Fons Ambassador for Peace

{loadposition myposition2}

bogus@bogus.com (Emmanuel Nebafuh) Editorial Fri, 08 Dec 2017 17:56:02 +0000
Keeping them Honest One, United & Indivisible Cameroon – the Myth, the Lies and the Truth http://cameroon-concord.com/keeping-them-honest-one-united-indivisible-cameroon-the-myth-the-lies-and-the-truth http://cameroon-concord.com/keeping-them-honest-one-united-indivisible-cameroon-the-myth-the-lies-and-the-truth Keeping them Honest One, United & Indivisible Cameroon – the Myth, the Lies and the Truth

From 1884-1916, the Germans signed 95 treaties with various ethnic groups but there is nothing about German Kamerun that made the territory or the people one, united and indivisible.

By Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai*

Amid increasing pressure for political restructuring in the wake of the ongoing Anglophone crisis, there seems to be a consensus among Francophone government officials and Biya regime apologists to echo what seems to be a new national slogan: “Cameroon is one, united and indivisible” and this unity is non-negotiable. However, despite the ubiquitous grandstanding, anchored on a willful misrepresentation and revisionist interpretation of history, the fact remains that, two distinct entities came together to form the Federal Republic of Cameroon in 1961. After 56 years of failed unification, the one, united and indivisible Cameroon mantra is a mere subterfuge for the parasitic affiliation for survival by French Cameroun on Southern Cameroons resources. The unity of a country is a structure with a foundation. Justice is the foundation of unity, truth go round it. The ongoing Anglophone protests have exposed the truth about Cameroon, as a country erected on a weak foundation of unity. Anglophones therefore have no justifiable reason to continue in the union as presently defined.

All told, the union between the two Cameroons was nothing short of a marriage of convenience between a hesitant couple brought together by political and economic considerations of foreign matchmakers. The one, united and indivisible Cameroon is the tragic story of a country suffering from leadership paralysis, elite rapacity and unenlightened self-interest; and of a people traumatized by the mental and behavioral illogicality of a vampire elite that has captured and taken the nation hostage. Rather than address Anglophone grievances over the national question, the government has been gas-lighting the crisis with its meaningless show of naked power that has claimed hundreds of innocent Anglophones lives and entrenched a bitter acrimony that refuses to leave the national consciousness.{loadposition myposition} 

The Myth and Illusion of German Kamerun (1)

The ridiculous myth of one, united and indivisible Cameroon can be better understood when historical records are considered. To Biya regime apologists, the restoration of Anglophone independence is a political transgression which amounts to secession. But French Cameroun cannot continue to be in denial of the fact that we are two different peoples, with distinct histories and cultures beyond language. It is laughable for Francophones to continue to peddle this fallacy of a united and indivisible Cameroon because even within the contraption called German Kamerun, we were never one people.

Many will deny it, but if one thing unites Francophones of all ethnicities in Cameroon, it is their collective disdain and support for marginalization of Anglophones, whom they see as a conquered and captured people whose resources can be pillaged with impunity. Listen to Francophones and you will hear such self-serving arguments that we are “brothers” and should not allow ourselves to be separated on the basis of “foreign linguistic distinctions” imposed by British and French colonialism. After all, the argument goes, “we were one Kamerun under the Germans.” In theory and practice, it has been demonstrated time without number that this is a big fat lie; a huge fraud perpetrated by Francophones to continue the pauperization of Anglophones and the mindless exploitation of their natural resources.

To begin with, it stretches credulity to assume that the writ of whatever protectorate treaties the Germans signed with Douala chiefs, was binding on Ambazonia tribes west of River Mungo. We were never one, united and indivisible, and could not have been, because after signing treaties with Douala chiefs, the Germans still had to fight bloody wars to “pacify” the Ambazonia tribes. Once the Germans crossed the Mungo, they met stiff resistance from the Bakweris who were on the frontlines of the resistance to German efforts to appropriate their land to open plantations. Led by King Kuva Likenye of Buea, the “Vakpes” stood up to the Germans during the Battle of Buea in 1891, in which Karl Freiher Gravenreuth was killed. In 1894, the Germans launched a punitive counter-expedition killing over 1200 of the estimated 1500 Buea population. King Kuva fled and later died in exile, and his brother, Chief Endeley signed a peace treaty with the Germans in 1895. This genocide is partly responsible for the now infamous “woman-headed household” syndrome in present day Fako.

In present day Ndian, the Oroko resistance against the Germans was led by Chief Nakeli wa Embele of Ikoi village, who fought running battles with the Germans until 1892 when he was captured and publicly hanged. Even after the Germans opened plantations in Essossong and Tombel in present day Kupe-Mwanenguba, they faced strong resistance led by Chief Nked me Akwe, who refused to honor German compulsion requests for free plantation labor. The Bakossis employed unorthodox methods, including Mwakum; the most powerful Bakossi juju to resist the Germans.

In 1899, a German Lieutenant, Queiss, was killed in battle near Otu by Ejaghams resisting the German advance. In November of that same year, the death of a German trader-recruiter, Conrau in Fontem was blamed on Bangwa people who resisted his efforts to draft plantation laborers. The German Governor in Buea, Jesko Von Puttkamer ordered a punitive expedition against the Bangwas and Ejaghams which led to the 1904 uprising in which Ejagham, Boki, Anyang and other Bayang villages attacked German factories in Bachuo, Badje, Agbokem and Mamfe. The Government Station at Ossidinge and the Customs Post at Nsankang were sacked and five Germans, including the District Officer, Graf Puckler-Limburg were killed. Manyu people fought the Germans to a standstill during what became known as the “Mpaw-mankuh” (Rotten Cocoyams) war, which dragged on as a low intensity conflict, culminating with the defeat of the Germans in Nsanakang in 1916 during World War One.

The Germans also faced resistance in the Northern zone, where Eugene Zintgraff and German troops, led by Von Pavel were defeated several times during the Bafut Wars from 1891-1907. On January 31, 1891, German forces attacked Mankon - an ally of Bafut as a reprisal for the killing of two messengers Zintgraff sent to Bafut to demand ivory. The town of Mankon was burnt down, but from his military headquarters at Mankaha, Fon Abumbi I directed Bafut warriors who ambushed and inflicted heavy losses on the Germans. Although Abumbi eventually fled to Fernando Po after defeat in 1907, Bafut warriors continued the resistance, forcing the Germans to reinstate Abumbi I and negotiate a peace deal, totally independent from the Douala chiefs. Likewise, after facing stiff resistance from the Balis, Zintgraff signed a treaty in 1891 with Fon Fonyongha and in 1912, agreed to pay him an annual 10% of all head-tax revenue collected from the laborers he sent to work on the German plantations.

The Germano-Kom war of July 1904-Feb, 1905 was the result of the refusal by Fon Yu to supply labor and food for construction of the German military station in Bamenda. In response to a request to give one of his daughters to be the mistress of Lt Herr Adametz, the German station commander, Fon Yu instead sent him a bundle of ashes, which in Kom tradition amounted to an invitation to war. The people of Kom finally signed a treaty of friendship in Anyajua between Fon Yu and Commandant Werner in 1905. Elsewhere, the Ba’atum warriors of Esu also resisted the Germans.

This history proves that although there was a territory geographically delimitated as German Kamerun, the morass of onomastic evidence suggests that it was a loose amalgam of contending interests held to obedience by German military conquests and treaties of friendship with different tribes, completely oblivious and independent of each other. From 1884-1916, the Germans signed 95 treaties with various ethnic groups wherein Kings and Chiefs on both sides of the Mungo River, surrendered sovereignty and administration to the Germans, who established their capitals in Buea and Yaoundé. After defeat in WWI, the whole pernicious enterprise of German Kamerun ended. To aver the contrary is not only disingenuous but moronic.

Besides, the “pacification” of the Anglophone tribes west of the Mungo had nothing in common with whatever arrangements existed between the Germans and Francophone chiefs east of the Mungo River. Therefore the one united and indivisible Cameroon is a myth created under the illusion of German Kamerun. The truth is that Southern Cameroons was first British and was only ceded to Germany after the Berlin Conference of 1884. The ridiculous assertion that Southern Cameroons and French Cameroun were part of German Kamerun; hence ought to remain “united” is laughable because German Kamerun as a political entity was a mere geographical contraption and there is no basis for its reconstitution, either in history or international law, as it included several other territories which are now independent nations.

Furthermore, French Cameroun can only treat Southern Cameroons as part of its territory from the former German Kamerun if it can also treat other territories of that German Kamerun (Chad, Central African Republic, Gabon, and former British Northern Cameroon in present day Nigeria) as part of French Cameroun. Even under German rule that lasted a mere 17 years, Southern Cameroons and French Cameroun were never one people; let alone united and indivisible. Let no one tell you otherwise! The one, united and indivisible Cameroon is a hocus pocus of lies that have been told repeatedly, to the point of gaining national acceptance as the truth. The bad faith and lies about unification by French Cameroun is the subject of the next article in this series.

{loadposition myposition2}

bogus@bogus.com (Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai) Editorial Thu, 30 Nov 2017 20:52:04 +0000
Farnce-Afrique: Why is Macron snubbing president Paul Biya? http://cameroon-concord.com/farnce-afrique-why-is-macron-snubbing-president-paul-biya http://cameroon-concord.com/farnce-afrique-why-is-macron-snubbing-president-paul-biya Farnce-Afrique: Why is Macron snubbing president Paul Biya?

Since the young Emmanuel Macron took office in France last year, only a wooden smile seems to inhabit his face as he looks at the  84-old Biya of La Republique.

Mr Biya has reportedly made several failed attempts to smoothen bilateral ties with 39-year-old.

Leaked information has suggested that several envoys from Biya to Macron have been treated with contempt in France, as they tried to initiate a meeting between both leaders.

And most importantly, Macron has embarked on a three-day tour of Africa which is taking him to Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast and Ghana.

No mention is made of Cameroon in spite of it being a former French colony.{loadposition myposition}

What strikes most is that Macron prefers Ghana(former British colony) to Cameroon (former French colony).

What observation can we make of this attitude of this Macron guy?

Ghana has a brand new president;

Burkina Faso has a fresh president;

Ivory Coast has a 'democratically elected president who may step down after his second mandate;

But Cameroon has a dictator, who has spent 35 years in power already, and is hoping to beat records set by Dos Santos of Angola, Mugabe of Zimbabwe and pace-setter Obiang Nguema of Guinea.{loadposition myposition2}

bogus@bogus.com (Concord Essen) Editorial Tue, 28 Nov 2017 20:12:08 +0000
Cameroon: Did Paul Atanga Nji pay Jeune Afrique to sing his praise? http://cameroon-concord.com/cameroon-did-paul-atanga-nji-pay-jeune-afrique-to-sing-his-praise http://cameroon-concord.com/cameroon-did-paul-atanga-nji-pay-jeune-afrique-to-sing-his-praise Cameroon: Did Paul Atanga Nji pay Jeune Afrique to sing his praise?

A recent portrait of Paul Atanga Nji by Jeune Afrique has raised much dust in Cameroon and beyond.

Jeune Afrique took so much energy and space just to praise Minister Atanga Nji whose reputation has been soiled severely of late.

Jeune Afrique does not mention Atanga's stay at New Bell Prison.{loadposition myposition}

No mention is made of his arrest ordered by CONAC, the body fighting corruption in Cameroon.

Jeune Afrique turns a blind eye on the fact that Atanga Nji would be in prison today in relation to an issue involving Campost if Cameroon were a serious nation.

For Jeune Afrique to claim that it was Atanga Nji at the forefront against SDF in the 90s without mentioning Francoise Foning and Gregoire Owona is really a pity.

To present a portrait of Atanga Nji without making reference to the  trouble in which he is with his own people in Southern Cameroons is no serious business at all. In fact, Mr Atanga fell out with his hometown when he declared that there was no Anglophone problem in Cameroon last year .

Some pundits are even quick to suggest that Atanga Nji has paid Jeune Afrique to polish his bruised image , especially after reports that he contributed to Biya's humiliation in New York.{loadposition myposition2}

bogus@bogus.com (Concord Essen) Editorial Mon, 27 Nov 2017 18:04:54 +0000
Mr Biya's Succession: What Can Possibly Go Wrong http://cameroon-concord.com/mr-biya-s-succession-what-can-possibly-go-wrong http://cameroon-concord.com/mr-biya-s-succession-what-can-possibly-go-wrong Mr Biya's Succession: What Can Possibly Go Wrong

A palace coup is one of the best exit formulas for dictators to avoid accountability. This has been well handled in Zimbabwe to avoid any conflict and give Pa Mugabe a well deserve rest in respect.

With the accomplice of his aged military friends, Mugabe has succeeded in handing power to his party scribe he served a comedy dismissal a week before. {loadposition myposition}

The plan impeachment was a clever scenario to make the process sound real to the majority. Pa has avoided any disgraceful elections; he is old and has played his part.Cameroon cannot be Zimbabwe.

 Mr Biya has shown lack of confidence in his possible successors, now is the time experts in election malpractices of the regime are laying foundation for the next (camouflage) Mr. Biya may want to leave honourably but very unsure of the unknown, Cameroonians cannot accept these scenarios

1) dismissing Philemon Yang or Niat only to bring him back a week later.

 2) A military takeover in which his tribesmen are in control and will delay any transition process.

3) Dialogue with selected CPDM cohorts who want Biya free with no accountability in complete amnesty.

The way forward is for the Opposition parties to bury the errors of the past, give Pa Fru Ndi time to rethink on a fresh candidate or ignore SDF to its greedy faith, Sensitize the population and rally on a platform. Concern Civil Society actors, NGO,s External Democratic activists and Critics should begin the campaign now .They should not be wasting time on sterile criticism and flopped diplomatic offensives . Those who don’t want elections should go for an arm struggle, not childish distractions in GoFundMe conclaves, and sterile Interim Government. This country can be plunged into a protracted conflict we can avoid.

John Agbor Obi

{loadposition myposition2}

bogus@bogus.com (John Agbor Obi) Editorial Fri, 24 Nov 2017 13:27:21 +0000
After Mugabe, African leaders wonder who is next http://cameroon-concord.com/after-mugabe-african-leaders-wonder-who-is-next http://cameroon-concord.com/after-mugabe-african-leaders-wonder-who-is-next After Mugabe, African leaders wonder who is next

Hours after Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe was forced out after 37 years in power, Uganda’s president, another former guerrilla in office for more than three decades, was tweeting about pay rises for civil servants and bright prospects for his army tank crews.

Supporters of long-serving African leaders dismiss parallels with Zimbabwe, where Mugabe’s former deputy - sacked during a power struggle with Mugabe’s wife - is about to take power with military and public backing.

But Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni’s tweets, which come amid rising anger at the 73-year-old’s attempts to prolong his rule, suggest he is one of several African leaders looking south and wondering about their own stability.

“Now that the economic situation in Uganda is improving, the government will be able to look into raising of salaries of soldiers, public servants, health workers and teachers and also deal with institutional housing,” Museveni tweeted on Wednesday.

It was unclear what improvement he meant. Uganda’s faltering economy is growing too slowly to absorb a booming population of 37 million. The number of citizens spending less than a dollar a day has surged to 27 percent, the statistics office reported in September, up from 20 percent five years ago.{loadposition myposition}


President since 1986, Museveni is among Africa’s longest-serving leaders. They include Equatorial Guinea’s Teodoro Obiang, president for 38 years; Cameroon’s Paul Biya, president for 35 years; Congo’s Denis Sassou Nguesso, president for two stints totalling 33 years.

The family of Gnassingbé Eyadéma have ruled Togo for half a century, and the Democratic Republic of Congo has been run by the Kabila family since Laurent Kabila took power in 1997. He was replaced by his son, Joseph, in 2001.

Some countries allow only two presidential terms, but several have rolled back such legislation.

In Cameroon, Biya scrapped term limits and cracked odwn on the opposition. In Congo, Nguesso jailed an opposition leader this year for protesting agauinst removal of term limits.

Still, Mugabe’s fall has sent a shiver through a continent whose northern countries saw the Arab Spring revolts tear down repressive regimes, even though many of the new leaders proved as bad as the old.

Franck Essi, secretary-general of the opposition Cameroon Peoples’ Party, said opposition movements were closely watching events in Zimbabwe.

“Leaders must put in place mechanisms for a democratic and peaceful transition that will allow new leadership. If not, sooner or later, the people who are suffocating will wake up,” he said.

Some places have already seen change. Burkina Faso’s Blaise Compaore was ousted by protests in 2014 as he tried to change the constitution and extend his decades-long rule. In January, Gambia’s erratic ruler Yahya Jammeh fled after regional pressure ended his 22-year reign.

Angolan president Jose Eduardo dos Santos stepped down this year after four decades in power; his handpicked successor has pushed out some key dos Santos allies.

For many nations, a Zimbabwe-style switch in the loyalties of the armed forces or a rift in the inner circle represents one of the few ways that rulers might be forced from power. Despite Zimbabwe’s well-established opposition, change didn’t come until Mugabe’s inner circle split over his succession plans, and the military put him under house arrest.

Hundreds of thousands of protesters have flooded Togo’s streets this year, calling for an end to half a century of Eyadéma family rule. It didn’t work.

Brigitte Adjamagbo-Johnson, a top Togolese opposition official, said they had hoped for a Zimbabwean-type change of power where the military came over to their side.

”We’d wanted the Togolese army to fight alongside us. We were moved seeing that Zimbabwe’s army and civilian population were all in the streets dancing. That’s what we want in Togo,“ she said. ”There will be change in Zimbabwe this year and there will be in Togo too.”


A slump in commodities prices has deprived some nations of the resources they have traditionally used to muffle protests. In some cases, corruption has also emptied state coffers.

In central Africa, Congo’s Kabila has repeatedly postponed elections after refusing to step down at the end of his term last year, sparking deadly protests.

Jean-Pierre Kambila, Kabila’s deputy chief of staff, tweeted that Zimbabwe’s protests were a colonial fantasy.

“A fabricated demonstration dreamed up by those who do not accept the liberation of Africa. Other Mugabes will be born. Nothing to worry about,” he wrote.

Uganda, a key Western ally set to begin exporting its substantial oil reserves, removed term limits in 2005 to extend Museveni’s rule.

The east African nation has seen far less violence under Museveni than the two dictators who preceded him. But now tensions are rising as social services crumble and parliamentarians attempt to remove a constitutional age cap that would bar Museveni from standing in the next election.

Police have used deadly force against protesters, and repeatedly arrested the main opposition leader. Security forces dragged parliamentarians opposing the bill out of the legislature. On Wednesday, police raided a popular newspaper, detaining eight staff.

Okello Oryem, Uganda’s state minister for foreign affairs, dismissed any parallels with Zimbabwe, saying Mugabe’s overthrow was the result of Western interference.

“The intelligence services of the West have worked day and night to bring down Zimbabwe,” he told Reuters. “Citizen pressure in Zimbabwe can only work if and when the army allows it.”

But another Ugandan opposition leader, Asuman Basalirwa, warned that national leaders who refused to step down risked plunging their countries into conflict. Military intervention to end dictatorships ultimately leads to more repression, he said, something that many feared might be in store for Zimbabwe.

“It is time for the continent to democratize,” he said. “Those who have not yet experienced what happened in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and now Zimbabwe should just wait for their turn because it will surely come.”


{loadposition myposition2}

bogus@bogus.com (Eyong Orlando) Editorial Thu, 23 Nov 2017 09:09:50 +0000
If I were Paul Biya http://cameroon-concord.com/if-i-were-paul-biya http://cameroon-concord.com/if-i-were-paul-biya If I were Paul Biya

If I were president Paul Biya of Cameroon, I would act wisely.

{loadposition myposition}

The recent revelations in the political lives of African dictators, princes, and princesses have called for real wisdom.

The time has almost come when no spoke of the bicycle will hang on the hub.

The earlier Mr Biya steps down, the better for him and his family.

If Blaise Campaore of Burkina Faso had had  good advice to step down before 2014 or to reduce his political ambition of modifying the constitution, he might have had a befitting rest at home. Now take a look at home. He has switched citizenship. He is now of Ivorian nationality.

If Yahya Jammeh of the Gambia had understood that there's satiety in politics, he would not have had himself humiliated internationally. Mr Jammeh was threatened out of power earlier in the year by forces of his regional bloc.

If Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe had known that age has no friend, he would quickly understand that he was gradually moving out of heroism to failure. Now he is waiting for a bulldozer to dig him out of power. It might come soon if he is not humble and wise enough to see the storm blowing down strong men of all time.

That's why I want to caution my own very man to step down now and save his children from everlasting stigma and humiliation.

Papa, you don't seem to understand that the people surrounding and protecting you will be the same hangmen who will lower your head into a hole once their ambition rises higher .  As a matter of fact, you must know that humans would protect their interest as much as bees would guard their honey.

Be wise!

{loadposition myposition2}

bogus@bogus.com (Tasha S.T) Editorial Tue, 21 Nov 2017 07:06:21 +0000
Wind of change blowing towards Cameroon http://cameroon-concord.com/wind-of-change-blowing-towards-cameroon http://cameroon-concord.com/wind-of-change-blowing-towards-cameroon Wind of change blowing towards Cameroon

And now who is next?

As the wind gathers momentum, our leaders start receiving more ants in their pants.

{loadposition myposition}

It all began with Blaise Compaore of Burkina Faso. His attempts to tighten his grip on power even brought chaos to his ambition.

The wind left Compaore and faced Pierre Nkuruzinza of Burundi in 2015. But Nkuruzinza was too rooted to the ground to be blown away. His bid for a controversial third term stood its ground.

The disappointed wind made a stopover in the Gambia and overpowered Yahya Jammeh.

Angola's Dos Santos saw it coming and jumped down beforehand recently.

Jacob Zuma of South Africa was only shaken by the wind.

Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe is now under the control of the passing wind, as it heads to Cameroon and...

When will it hit Cameroon and its strongman Paul Biya?

{loadposition myposition}

bogus@bogus.com (Tasha S.T) Editorial Fri, 17 Nov 2017 16:59:07 +0000
What was behind the 1977 demarcation of Southern Cameroons Into Provinces? http://cameroon-concord.com/what-was-behind-the-1977-demarcation-of-southern-cameroons-into-provinces http://cameroon-concord.com/what-was-behind-the-1977-demarcation-of-southern-cameroons-into-provinces What was behind the 1977 demarcation of Southern Cameroons Into Provinces?

Can I know what criteria or criterion that was used in 1977 to demarcate the Provinces out of the erstwhile British and French Cameroon of West and East Cameroon? How could two Provinces or Regions be created out of the defunct West Cameroon having as Divisions like Donga Mantung, Bui, Boyo,Manyu, Meme etc much bigger in size and population than the Provinces or Regions that were carved out from the defunct East Cameroon such as the West, East, South and Adamawa?
Is there any document that warrants the unnecessary ranting of Francophones on this falsehood of Cameroon being one?
There is nobody who does not know that there are two separate entities that came together voluntarily in 1961 and have two distinct historical backgrounds, two Educational systems,two judiciary systems and two administrative systems.
Can anybody with s sound mind admit that two separate entities that only came together to form a platform for effective adminstration and nothing else.
Fraudulent approach can't pass for the correct and just approach because it's peddled by a government. No government can govern a people through the use of brute force and through the overwhelming crack down of people through the use of propaganda and extreme violence.{loadposition myposition}
The strangest thing in Cameroon is that the state unfortunately is viewed lopsidedly by the Francophones as a structure independent of the Citizens and must be preserved more than the citizens . The people who must be crushed and even poured with acids are the people of Southern Cameroon's who are dogs,,gnats, cockroaches, monkeys and junkies.
Can anybody accept this carnage committed against unarmed civilians of Southern Cameroon's as the right approach in solving this crisis?
There is nobody who witnessed this carnage,who can admit reconciling with the Francophones who been maimed, incapacitated,physically and psychologically traumatize, incarcerated without any due process such as warrants of arrest, killed in specialized bunkers meant for the people of Southern Cameroon's and go without being inflamed by the actions of the Francophones.{loadposition myposition2}

bogus@bogus.com (Concord Essen) Editorial Thu, 16 Nov 2017 12:59:14 +0000