Politics
Internet browsing might sooner or later become a ‘cybercrime’ in the Southwest Region as police intensify a clampdown on people hungry for Internet connection.
Those exceptionally in need of Internet connectivity and who are forced beyond endurance to hunt for the high-tech communication technology in Fako now have to contend with stalking police.
A hide-and-seek game of sorts between the police and Internet browsers has thus materialised in the vicinity of the tollgate at New Bonako just a few minutes’ drive from the Mungo Bridge.
Apparently, Government, in its swiftness to stem the flow of rather rancorous and radical postings and viral streams on social media, severely misjudged the strength of the aftershock of shutdown of the Internet in the Southwest and Northwest Regions, sparking an information crisis.
“At the tollgate and beyond towards Bekoko, you can see people, especially youths, milling about sometimes at the roadside. They are browsing but they have to take off as soon as the police appear,” said one Internet browser.
Sometimes, the browsers are arrested and their cellphones confiscated.
“The police just grab your phone and that is the end of your relationship with your phone,” said a young man who narrowly missed parting with his mobile phone.
The Internet stoppage has not just slowed down some businesses but actually shut them down with associated heavy financial losses. Users, however, had succeeded in getting connection even it means braving the bushes.
“Recently, we discovered a hot spot somewhere in Woteva, a village in Buea on the slopes of Mt. Cameroon. As soon as we settled down to business a police van appeared from nowhere, and the police asked what we were doing?” a young entrepreneur told The Post.
Reports also say students and lecturers of the University of Buea whose courses depend heavily upon the Internet are at a loss.
“I don’t know what to tell you to do,” a lecturer is quoted as telling his students.
Cameroonpost
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- Rita Akana
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One of the challenges facing my parents’ generation was the reunification of our native country of Cameroon following its breakup at the end of the First World War. When Germany was vanquished at the end of that war, Cameroon, one of its African colonies, was seized and partitioned by France and Great Britain, two of the wartime allies. Mandated by the League of Nations in 1922, Cameroon was divided into three regions, East Cameroon, Northern Cameroons and Southern Cameroons. The mandate decreed that France preside over East Cameroon, while Britain, already an established colonial power over Nigeria, would govern Southern Cameroons—the area whose population today identify themselves as “Anglophones” —and Northern Cameroons, as integral parts of Nigeria.
That 1922 Division, which tore apart Cameroonian families, friends and tribes, stirred up sentiments for reunification from all sides of the divide. But so strong were the voices for reunification in Southern Cameroons that, in February 1961, following a plebiscite (in which the two British-controlled regions of Cameroon would each choose either to be fully integrated into Nigeria or to merge with the newly independent East Cameroon), Southern Cameroons voted overwhelmingly to reunite with East Cameroon.
Having triumphed over the plebiscite, John Ngu Foncha, Southern Cameroons Prime Minister at the time—and its colossus for the reunification campaign—then met with El Haji Amadou Ahidjo, East Cameroon’s president, at the Foumban Conference in July, where they agreed to form what became known as the Federal Republic of Cameroon. The FRC, like modern day Canada, was envisioned, based on its colonial experiences with France and Britain, to be one country but with two separate government systems. (At the end of the conference, the minority English-speaking Southern Cameroons and the majority French-speaking East Cameroon each had their own separate government within the Federation.)
One of the hallmarks of the FRC’s Constitution was that Southern Cameroons, which was renamed “West Cameroon” following the Conference, was guaranteed to retain its inherited British institutions in education, judiciary, and legislature.
President Ahidjo’s East Cameroon majority, his strong-arm tactics at the July Conference, and having led East Cameroon to independence in January 1960, were all factors that propelled him into the presidency of this new Federation.
Considering the raging civil wars that were ripping apart several African countries in the 1960s following their independence, reuniting their old country—as President Ahidjo and Prime Minister Foncha did almost 40 years after it was sliced into parts—was hailed in many quarters as a masterstroke.
The New York Times, in an article dated January 30, 1970, lauded the impact of these two leaders’ effort at nation building. In the article “Cameroon Young but Mature”, they stated, “While neighboring countries—Nigeria and the Congo—have been wracked by regional and tribal strife, the Cameroon has become a model for African unity.”
The Times further singled out Ahidjo for high praise, saying, “The Cameroonian chiefly responsible for pulling the federation together and playing down tribal frictions is Ahmadou Ahidjo, a calm northerner who as President has gained strong southern support.”
Today, however, the reunification experiment, whose bilingualism was once touted as a “hidden asset in Cameroon’s trade growth”, is in ruins. Anglophones are aghast at what they see as their marginalization within the country. They also allege that Cameroon’s central government is pursuing assimilationist policies that target Anglophone institutions, citing, for example, French-trained Cameroonian bureaucrats being posted to their region to run schools, cities, colleges and the judiciary.
I was in middle school in the fall of 1982, when the current president of Cameroon, Paul Biya, came to power. He promised, during a much-heralded visit to the Anglophone region, that he’d find a way to bridge the chasm that had emerged over this issue during his predecessor’s reign.
But just two years into his presidency, Biya’s orders to arrest and imprison Gorgi Dinga, an Anglophone human rights lawyer following Dinga’s publication of “The New Social Order”, an indictment of Biya’s government over the Anglophone issue, sent chilling signals to the Anglophone people. However, with the lifting of press censorship in the 90s, Anglophones are now Biya’s most rabid critics within the country. They’ve also borne the brunt of his reprisals, including the 1992 siege of Bamenda—a city noted as Anglophones’ arsenal of democracy.
Today’s so-called “Anglophone Problem” dates back to 1972. In that year, Amadou Ahidjo surreptitiously called for a referendum that abolished the Federation, replacing it with the “United Republic of Cameroon”, a strong, central system of government in which Ahidjo wielded enormous presidential powers. Anglophones felt conned and betrayed by Ahidjo’s action. The referendum fueled their rage, which was made worse in 1984, when the subsequent government of President Paul Biya—oblivious to the Anglophones’ long quest to remain separate in a federation—imposed educational reforms that many felt undermined their institutions.
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- Joseph M. Ndifor
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Information says tens of thousands of people from the Cameroons will attend the SDF rally this Saturday in Douala. BaretaNews has been told thousands of Cameroonians will leave West Region and Yaounde to Douala. Already we hear Littoral has been mobilised. SDF is leading the march for a federal cameroon.
The rally has been organized by the Littoral branch of the Cameroon's main opposition party (SDF).The purpose of the demonstration is to call on the authorities to make it possible for Cameroon to go back to a federal state as was the case before 1972. Meanwhile the Divisional Officer for Douala V sub-division, Tchakui Noundie Jean Marie, released a statement prohibiting the holding of the rally with reasons being, to maintain public order in his area of jurisdiction.The opposition party called the ban baseless,and they are rather intensifying preparations ahead of the rally tomorrow with a massive turnout expected.
SDF rally Saturday march the 4th 2017, venue Axe Lourd Bepanda , time 2pm... SDF Littoral Chairman is inviting all militants and sympathizers from across the Littoral Region and beyond to take part in the Federalism sensitization rally in Douala on the 4th of March. , SDF militants must rise and show their support - Hon.Nintcheu, SDF.
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- Rita Akana
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The seven rules of engagement:
I strongly believe that we can all give a big push to this struggle once again! Remember that there would be high and low moments. Here are the rules of engagement:
1. Call back home daily and prepare our citizens for the light at the end of the tunnel. Already, our French-speaking brothers and sisters are now stamping their footprints on our campus once again. Invite every family member to pull back starting Monday because it will be sad for violators.
2. Other pressure groups that advocate for self-defense could step up their game, even more, I suggest. The regime has intensified their violent strategies and so there is more need for the show of power too from other existing pressure groups.
3. Send the numbers of those teachers and their photos. We need to know exactly whom we are calling and how to identify them. Enough is enough. Our children are dying and are being arrested and these teachers do not care.
4. Locate the DOs and SDOs and send us their contact addresses. Get their time schedule and let us know when they are free from work to attend to our own duties. Call back home and get this information. Send it to us privately.
5. Write letters and placed them on the doors of students whom you think are violating the struggle. A warning notice is important. We will not end on Facebook alone. Send anonymous letters in this regard. Let them know that their actions provoke more killings in our country.
6. Taxi drivers that violate the ghost towns should have their matriculation numbers written down for future reference. Already, our self-defence pressure groups have been claiming responsibilities for some of the burnings of cars. That is not a problem to me, considering that the circulation of cars on ghost town days provoke more killings than it prevents. And also, drivers have been well informed.
7. At the moment, everyone is aware of our key messages on ghost towns and the non-use of violence, especially in humans. But, we are tired of sending out the same messages over and over. Now it is time to flog people who have transformed the temple into a hive of activities. Our temple must be respected, take it or leave it.
I cannot wait for Monday. We shall see who is who in Southern Cameroons.
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- Tapang Ivo
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At least one person was killed by Boko Haram in Cameroon on Sunday in an area where hundreds of attacks have occurred since 2014. Cameroonian newspaper, L’Oeil du Sahel, said the attack today occurred in Waza, in the country’s far north, not very far from the border with Nigeria where the terrorists.
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- Simon Ateba
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All the pressure groups and organisations the world over, battling to restore the Independence/Statehood of the former British Southern Cameroons have finally created a common front.
In a release on March 1 2017, the different groups; the SCNC, SCAPO, Republic of Ambazonia, SCYL, The Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society Consortium - CACSC, MoRISC, Southern Cameroons South Africa Forum, Southern Cameroonians in Nigeria - SCINGA and the Ambazonia Governing Council, all decided to form the Southern Cameroons/Ambazonia Consortium United Front, SCACUF whose Secretariat is in Buea. SCAFCUF already took certain decisions at a time when the Cameroon government is battling to rescue the 2016-2017 academic year.
Below is SCACUF's full release...
Southern Cameroons (Ambazonia) Pressure Groups Create United Front to Restore Statehood:
The drive towards the total restoration of the statehood of the Southern Cameroons has scored the biggest victory of all times. About all the organizations previously scattered across the world with separate and sometimes contradictory positions on what should be good for the people and how the objective could be attained, have all come together under one umbrella to henceforth speak in the same language.
The leaders of the SCNC, SCAPO, Republic of Ambazonia, SCYL, The Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society Consortium - CACSC, MoRISC, Southern Cameroons South Africa Forum, Southern Cameroonians in Nigeria - SCINGA and the Ambazonia Governing Council agreed to form a new body bringing everyone together to carry out tough actions for clear results.
After four days of deliberations, from the 23rd to the 26th of February, the leaders declared the creation of the Southern Cameroons/Ambazonia Consortium United Front, SCACUF and agreed to henceforth be referred to as Southern Cameroons (Ambazonia). The leaders put in place the structures of a permanent secretariat with head office Buea and branches abroad, agreeing to man the various organs in the days ahead.
THE CONSORTIUM STARTED IT ALL
Going forward, SCACUF unanimously adopted the image of Barrister Nkongho Frlix Agbor Balla, President of the Consortium as the face of the entire struggle, and then endorsed Tassang Wilfred Fombang and Barrister Eyambe Elias Ebai of the same Consortium to be their mouth piece with the mandate to continue to direct the ongoing struggle on the home front.
Other key decisions include the proscription of the CPDM (RDPC) party and its affiliates all over the territory of Southern Cameroons (Ambazonia) as terrorist and money laundering organizations sponsored by La Republique du Cameroun, with immediate effect, the outlawing of any elections organized by La Republique du Cameroun, the beginning of preparations towards the official declaration of the statehood of Southern Cameroons (Ambazonia) in the days ahead and the recruitment of an international law Firm, the Foley Hoag International Law Firm to commence legal proceedings against La Republique du Cameroun and individuals in her government in the appropriate jurisdiction for crimes against humanity and genocide.
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- Solomon Amabo
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Biya Article Count: 73
# Paul Biya and his regime
Explore the political landscape of Cameroon under the rule of Paul Biya, the longest-serving president in Africa who has been in power since 1982. Our Paul Biya and his regime section examines the policies, actions, and controversies of his government, as well as the opposition movements, civil society groups, and international actors that challenge or support his leadership. You'll also find profiles, interviews, and opinions on the key figures and events that shape the political dynamics of Cameroon.
Southern Cameroons Article Count: 549
.# Southern Cameroons, Ambazonia
Learn more about the history, culture, and politics of Ambazonia, the Anglophone regions of Cameroon that have been seeking self-determination and independence from the Francophone-dominated central government. Our Southern Cameroons section covers the ongoing conflict, the humanitarian crisis, the human rights violations, and the peace efforts in the region. You'll also find stories that highlight the rich and diverse heritage, traditions, and aspirations of the Southern Cameroonian people.
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