Politics
The most dramatic announcement was the tarring of the Mbouda -Bamenda stretch of the road. Due to the very devastating as well as the risky nature of the road, euphoria and great joy gripped the joyous population that their travelling worries as night mares were history.
Alas this euphoria has sunk like sunken ship in the Sea of despair. The work that was announced to begin in November has not even begun.
Road construction as well as other promises of the Biya's regime are all political wishful thinking and baits for political manipulation.
The populace of Cameroon have received promises like Health for all by the year 2000. Alas it yearly was nearly death for all by 2000. Health care delivery in Cameroon remains unchanged and even manpower in these hospitals are lacking. The state hospitals don't even have hitech equipment that warrant better and proper diagnosis for patients.
The Universities that are supposed to be the thinking nursery of the nation is highly politicked and the promises to tgd youths that they are the future of the nation remains illusionary and unfulfilled.
If the universities had equipment aimed at transforming minds and building capacities,so that a veritable human capital base or bank is established.
Today the world's economy is propelled by manpower based organizations that produce utilities whose prices are always at a sellable range to all buyers based on the consumption abilities.
However our own Universities in the Cameroon's are created by Presidential decree without haven put in place the lecturers or necessary manpower or the infrastructure to enable its functionality.
Infant and mother health care is still life threatening despite the promises of the government to halt or reduce infant and mother mortality.
State or Public Schools were announced as free learning institutions on paper.
Unfortunately these schools aren't as free as were announced by the state.
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- Mbi James
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Chronicles of the Anglophone Problem: Cameroon has no Business being in the British Commonwealth; Is Patricia Scotland Going to be the Neville Chamberlain of Africa?
This week Commonwealth Secretary General, the Right Hon. Patricia Scotland, visits Cameroon to try to solve the so-called Anglophone problem that has gripped the country since November 2016. The opulent banquets in President Paul Biya’s sumptuous palace, and the diplomatic niceties mouthed by Biya and Scotland cannot hide the palpable but invisible specter in the banquet hall, the 10,000-pound gorilla named “FAILURE.”
Cameroon has FAILED to live up to the values and human rights ideals of the Commonwealth. Cameroon has no business being in the Commonwealth. Cameroon should be expelled forthwith from the Commonwealth. The Anglophones who “brought” Cameroon to the Commonwealth symbolically “voted” overwhelmingly on 1st October 2017 for Cameroon to be expelled from the Commonwealth.
The name “Cameroon” now stands for the colossal FAILURE of the experiment to unite the French and British administered UN Trust territories of Southern Cameroon and East Cameroon into a bilingual union of two equal states that would have been the envy of Africa.
Ahidjo’s FAILURE to nurture and strengthen a laudable African experiment which would have melded the centralized, top-down, French republican logic of the strong man’s rule by decree, where authoritarian law trumps the human rights of citizens, with the Anglo-American federalist republican tradition where, under the rule of law, the courts protect citizens from the arbitrariness and excesses of the authoritarian strong man.
The FAILURE of the reunification experiment has led to a virtual black-on-black colonization of Southern Cameroon by the over-centralized, authoritarian, Napoleonic, strong-man, top-down rule-by-decree La Republique due Cameroun of President Amadou Ahidjo and his successor, authoritarian successor, President Paul Biya.
The name “Cameroon” also represents FAILURE of the worst kind––lack of vision and lack of respect for human rights. When in November 2017, Anglophones whose parents and grandparents had voluntarily––and in hindsight naively– voted in 1961 to join their “brothers and sisters” on the other side of the Mungo river, used their human rights to complain about their marginalization, and ill-treatment as second-class citizens, Biya, in his intransigence, opted for repression. He chose a military solution to this essentially political problem. The results have been a catalogue of catastrophic crimes against humanity: Hundreds of poor unarmed Anglophone civilians killed, maimed, imprisoned, tortured and brazenly expelled from their homes by Biya’s colonial administrators simply because they had the temerity to call for change. As a result of this military violence and repression, thousands of Anglophone men women and children Cameroonians are now refugees in Nigeria. No other Commonwealth country has the bloody legacy of human rights violations that the 35 year-old regime of Paul Biya has left Anglophones.
Cameroon has become the exemplar of the FAILURE of democratic governance and dialogue. In democratic societies, real leaders negotiate, visionary politicians dialogue to promote peace and tranquility. Not so in Cameroon. Paul Biya and his intellectual backers celebrate his unshakeable intransigence and absolute political inflexibility. Biya has never been a man of dialogue, he is not now a man of dialogue, and he will never be a man of dialogue. He would rather die than sit down with his political opponents.
The Commonwealth must not play nice with Cameroon. If all that Hon. Patricia Scotland succeeds to do about Cameroon is shake Biya’s bloody hand and mouth diplomatic niceties, she will go down in history as the Neville Chamberlain of Africa. Chamberlain, it will be recalled, was the British Prime Minister who was outwitted and out-foxed by Hitler, and left Germany proclaiming that he had secured peace and averted World War II. Subsequent events proved how delusional he was.
Hon. Patricia Scotland, through their symbolic declaration of independence on 1st October 2017 Anglophone Cameroonians voted to kick their oppressor, La République du Cameroon out of the Commonwealth. President Biya, who represents the FAILURE of dictatorship, has no business standing side-by-side with other Commonwealth heads of government. The voice of the people is the voice of God! Anglophones expect the Commonwealth to do the right thing.
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- Mola Eko
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No other territory in history has been so exploited and left to gnash its teeth in psychological and physical agony as Southern Cameroons following its recolonization by French Cameroun.
By Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai*
From 1953, Southern Cameroons was, to all intents and purposes, a country of its own, with almost all the appurtenances of a nation state, including self-governance, its own police force, parliament, and a senate known as the House of Chiefs. Despite the one, united and indivisible Cameroon hoax, the fact is that French Cameroun was a different country which gained independence from France on January 1, 1960 (as Republic of Cameroun) with international borders that did not include Southern Cameroons; which gained independence after a UN referendum on February 11, 1961. Even after the independent Southern Cameroons state joined French Cameroun in a two-state federation to form the Federal Republic of Cameroon on October 1, 1961, no Union Treaty was registered with the UN General Assembly secretariat as mandated by Articles 102 and 103 of the UN Charter. Over the past 56 years, the international community has looked the other way while Southern Cameroonians have been denied their independence. Southern Cameroonians have been emasculated to concur in the despoliation of their land by their passive indifference and cold complicity in the face of reckless dissipation of their commonwealth by French Cameroun. For a people that already experienced such high level of self-government under colonial rule, this anomaly makes independence worse than colonialization.
The occupation, annexation and colonial rule of Southern Cameroons by French Cameroun violates Article 4(b) of the African Union Constitutive act. It also violates UN resolutions against colonialism and external domination of other people; and it contravenes Articles 19-24 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Right; and other principles of International Law. In short, it is recolonization, pure and simple. The unilateral abrogation of the two-state Federation by French Cameroun under the subterfuge of the May 20, 1972 referendum was a constitutional coup d’état, which violated Art 47 of the Federal Constitution. The plebiscite vote never made Cameroon one, united and indivisible; nor was it intended to. Even were Southern Cameroons to be an integral part of French Cameroun, any such referendum on abolishing the federation ought to have been an issue solely for the people of Southern Cameroons to decide, since they were the ones who voted to join French Cameroun, in the first instance.
The two Cameroons were never one, because post-German Kamerun, the two territories remained fundamentally different in terms of political evolution and governance. Southern Cameroons evolved a functional parliamentary democracy, whereas French Cameroun was administered as a French overseas territory, and remained tragically stuck as a French neo-colonial outpost even after independence in 1960. From 1953-1961, Southern Cameroons was a vibrant democracy with an electoral system based on direct adult universal suffrage with single-member constituencies. Elections into the Southern Cameroons House of Assembly featured only indigenous parties like KNC, KPP, CPNC and KNDP, which had broad appeal across the six divisions of Victoria, Kumba, Mamfe, Bamenda, Wum and Nkambe.
Unlike Southern Cameroons, the democratic framework in French Cameroun was aligned to France. French men contested elections in French Cameroun and French Cameroun politicians contested elections into the French National Assembly (Assemble de l’Union Francaise (AUF), and the Conseil de la Republique, the French Senate. British parties never contested elections in Southern Cameroons. The opposite was true in French Cameroun where, French political parties like Rassemblement de Gauches, Mouvement Républicain Populaire (MRP), and Section Française de l'Internationale Ouvrière, (SFIO) dominated electoral contests into the French Cameroun parliament – the Assemblée Representative du Cameroun (ARCAM), later transformed to Assemble Territoriale du Cameroun (ATCAM) in 1952.
Until the UPC was created, political parties in French Cameroun like Jeunesse Camerounaise Francaise (JEUCAFRA), Union des Camerounaise Francaise (UNICAFRA) and Association des Colons du Cameroun (ASOCAM) were administrative parties created to defend French interests and all espoused attachment to “Mother France.” When the UPC led by Mayi Matip was banned in 1955, the parties that contested the December 1956 elections in French Cameroun like Ahidjo’s Union Camerounaise (UC), Andre-Marie Mbida’s Partie de Democrates Camerounaise (DC) and Betote Akwa’s Action Nationale (MANC) were more or less satellite tribal groups. In Southern Cameroons, political parties were tribe neutral, but in French Cameroun, every ethnic group had a party. There was even one to defend the interests of Mollatoes; cross-breeds of Franco-Cameroun heritage led by an elected MP, Frenchman, Léon Foulétier.
In matters of electoral politics, Southern Cameroons was a showroom of political pluralism in its day. Right from the first elections to the Southern Cameroons House of Assembly (SCHA) on October 26, 1953; Simon Enow Ncha, blazed the trail to run as an independent candidate, in Mamfe Division, defeating the two main political party candidates - Martin Forju (KPP) and Chief SA Arrey (KNC). SE Ncha inspired other independent candidates like Solomon Anyeghamoti Ndefru (SAN) Angwafor, now Fon Angwafor III, who defeated DA Nangah (KNDP) and Maximus Chibikom (OK) in the 1961 elections in Upper Ngemba. Ncha also inspired Bernard Tajoh Beja (BTB) Foretia, who ran as an independent and lost the 1961 elections in Mamfe East to the formidable KNDP baron PM Kemcha, whom he eventually replaced in the 1968 Muna government. In Southern Cameroons, nomination of candidates was by two voters in the candidate’s electoral district; people who knew the candidates at the grassroots. Fon Angwafor III was nominated by GP Tuma, a mechanic and David Che, a teacher.
Against this background could be appreciated the fact that in French Cameroun, French men contested elections into French Cameroun Assembly within a dual electoral college system, comprising a French college and a College of indigenes. In the March 1952 elections into ATCAM, the French College elected Emile Victor Albert, Henri Chamaulte, André Duret, PM Chalot, André-Albert Gerberon, André Duru, Antoine Giard, Arthur-Louise Gouelle, Jean Grassard, Joseph Guyard, Henri Paul Journiac, Marcel Lagarde, Pierre Laouilheau, Alfred Mandon, Brieuc Penanhot, Jean-Marie Poileux, Mohamed Koudjali and Pierre Rocaglea. Form the College of indigenes came: Louis-Paul Aujoulat, Ninine Jules, Ahmadou Ahidjo, Jean Akassou, Charles Assale, Abega Martin Atangana, André-Marie Mbida, Paul Soppo Priso, Gaston Medou, André Fouda Omgba, Jean Ekwabi Ewane, Mathias Djoumessi, Dissake Hans, Babale Oumarou, Njine Michel, Arouna Njoya, Seidou Njimoulouh Njoya, Abbe Joseph Antoine Melone, Paul Francois Martin, Jean-Baptiste Mabaya, Etonde Guillaume, Charles Mbakop, Rene Blaise Mindjo, Lara Zoua, Youssouf Marouf, Ahmadou Mahonde, Marcel Marigoh Mboua, Kotouo Pierre, Ousmanou Hamidou, Iyawa Adamou, Chedjou Joseph and Alphonse Woungly-Massaga.
It is interesting to note that French citizens like Louis-Paul Aujoulat contested elections in the college of indigenes. In the view of the average Southern Cameroonian, the presence of Frenchmen in the French Cameroun parliament was a political monstrosity that advertised to the whole world a certain definition of democracy that diminishes the ideal and mocks the primacy of the indigenous people in the process. This anomaly raises fundamental questions about the average Francophone’s definition and perception of public office and explains why they are so lacking in the vital attributes of democratic engagement. In Southern Cameroons, expatriate involvement in the political process was limited to logistics. For example, EL Cox and AJ Cordy served as Chief Electoral Officers in the 1957 and 1959 elections, while AB Westmacott, Resident for Special Duties in Bamenda demarcated the constituencies. In French Cameroun, the colonial administrators picked winners and losers and elections were run by the Interior Minister designated by France. The standing view is that, he who controls the electoral machinery (pays organisateur) determines the outcome. It is a sad commentary on the character of French Cameroun politics and politicians that rigging and other electoral malpractices are deeply embedded in their political culture.
It is a matter for regret, indeed shame that Francophones continue to hee-haw the one, united and indivisible Cameroon fallacy, even as the bonds that bind the two Cameroons appear tenuous, if not snapping. A review of UN General Assembly resolutions and other international legal principles regarding the right to self-determination shows incontrovertibly that Southern Cameroons became independent in 1961, but has since been recolonized and occupied by French Cameroun. The ongoing struggle to restore Southern Cameroons independence is therefore consistent with International Law, including the right to self-determination. The right to separate from French Cameroun is also laid out under Principles VII and VIII of UN General Assembly Resolution 1541 of December 15, 1960. Besides, the obligation imposed by the UN that Southern Cameroons should obtain “independence by joining” either Nigeria or Cameroon violated Article 76(b) of the UN Charter, and UNGA Resolution 1541; both of which reaffirm independence as the inherent and inalienable right of all colonies and Trust Territories.
It all stands to reason that Cameroon was never one, united and indivisible. French Cameroun, in violation of international law, has supplanted the 1961 federation of two equal nations with annexation of Southern Cameroons. The declaration of war on Anglophones removes any pretence that Biya views Southern Cameroons as a conquered and captured people. It is indeed a pity yet again that Biya misread public opinion and chose to stand on the wrong side of history. It is evident the president still doesn’t realize that force has never triumphed over ideology in all of history. A situation where the president declares war against a section of the country, and calls them terrorists, cannot be in the interest of national unity. Such executive lawlessness is a sad manifestation of the rule of force over the rule of law. The audacity of this impunity was a reminder to Southern Cameroonians, if any was needed, that the music has changed to a war song; all Anglophone terrorists must now sing and dance the new song.
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- Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai
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An enquiry into the controversy surrounding the case of a dead man who passed entrance exams into ENAM has been opened by Prime Minister Philemon Yang.
The name of Ndjomo Milsaints Claude appeared on the final list of successful candidates into the National School of Administration and Magistracy earlier this month.
He had reportedly died before the final phase of the exams.
But he took the first place in his department with an average of 14/20, reports say.
Biya's two children, Brenda and Junior Biya, are among the successful candidates for this session of the exams.
According to La Nouvelle Expression, the commission of enquiry includes people from the PM's Office, Ministry of Public Service, ENAM...
This session of the exams is one of the most controversial, with names added to the initial list by the minister of public service after the publication of results by the director of the institution.
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- Rita Akana
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Madam Chantal Biya orders the sacking of the wife of the Minister of Public Service and Administrative Reform from the CERAC women's group The sacking of Madam Michel Ange Angouing was provoked by the outrageous attitude of her husband, Mr. Linus Mendjana who at one moment wanted to annual the results of the ENAM entrance examination. This was envisaged to clean the image of the institution marred by
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- Rita Akana
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The Governor of the South West Region is reportedly on his way to Nigeria through Ekok purportedly to distribute relief supplies to people he and his government chased from their villages.
According to information reaching me this Tuesday the 19th of December at 12.13 pm, Okalia Bilai is already on his way.
What is certain is that these supplies could well be poisoned gifts and the visit itself a veiled ploy to chase after young people running to safety.
I am sending out this message so that we all begin to make calls and reach out to whoever can stop that visit or cause our lovely people not to meet the colonial administrators who has generally addressed us as dogs.
John Mbah Akuroh
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- Rita Akana
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Subcategories
Biya Article Count: 73
# Paul Biya and his regime
Explore the political landscape of Cameroon under the rule of Paul Biya, the longest-serving president in Africa who has been in power since 1982. Our Paul Biya and his regime section examines the policies, actions, and controversies of his government, as well as the opposition movements, civil society groups, and international actors that challenge or support his leadership. You'll also find profiles, interviews, and opinions on the key figures and events that shape the political dynamics of Cameroon.
Southern Cameroons Article Count: 549
.# Southern Cameroons, Ambazonia
Learn more about the history, culture, and politics of Ambazonia, the Anglophone regions of Cameroon that have been seeking self-determination and independence from the Francophone-dominated central government. Our Southern Cameroons section covers the ongoing conflict, the humanitarian crisis, the human rights violations, and the peace efforts in the region. You'll also find stories that highlight the rich and diverse heritage, traditions, and aspirations of the Southern Cameroonian people.
Editorial Article Count: 885
# Opinion
Get insights and perspectives on the issues that matter to Cameroon and the world with our opinion section. We feature opinions from our editors, columnists, and guest writers, who share their views and analysis on various topics, such as politics, economy, culture, and society. Our opinion section also welcomes contributions from our readers, who can submit their own opinions and comments. Join the conversation and express your opinions with our opinion section.
