Politics

Editorial The Sun Newspaper: Moving Forward...
In the chequered history of the Cameroon nation state, few crises have rocked and touched its soul like the current Anglophone crisis. A lawyers’ and teachers’ strike has willy-nilly escalated into a full-blown protest by the people of the North West and South West regions with already incalculable consequences.

The two most obvious consequences are the breakdown in the judicial system as courts are paralysed due to the absence of lawyers and the non-functioning of schools from the primary to the tertiary level for the past two months.
Added to the above two negative factors is the steady squeezing of the economy of these regions with crippling ghost towns which are being faithfully respected by the population and exacerbated by the shutdown of internet services in both regions.
The current situation is unprecedented and eerie enough to summon both the authorities and protesting parties to discard might and pride so that level-headedness and wisdom can prevail.  

Reacting to the current crisis in his end-of-year address to the nation on the eve of the New Year, President Paul Biya promised the creation of national supra structure that shall be saddled with the task of diagnosing issues like the Anglophone problem and proffering practical solutions on how it can be whittled down. Last Monday, January 23 that promise became a reality through a presidential decree that created the National Commission on Bilingualism and Multi-culturalism.

Those versed with the workings of our government and who have always criticized it for inertia and slowness, can attest that the time-lapse between the promise and the creation of the commission is very uncharacteristic of our president who likes to take his time on such matters. It is at best an indication that there is fire in the house and that speed and urgency should dictate government actions.

It is satisfying to note the general positive reactions that have greeted the creation of this committee and the call for it to be given a chance. Nonetheless, we are also not oblivious to some genuine reservations that have been raised in some quarters notably on who will sit in it and most importantly, the fear that the Anglophone problem should not be diluted in the multicultural phraseology.

Another reservation is also the sad memories that Cameroonians have about such commissions in the past and we want to believe that this is not just another commission.
These are legitimate concerns which we think should be brought to the attention of the Head of State especially as we think it is the current Anglophone crisis which is the immediate cause that has led to the creation of this committee notwithstanding the fact that other regions of the country have of recent past also bitterly complained in different memorandums to the president.

We in this newspaper think it is time to move on from the current impasse which has led to the instauration of fear and terror in the Anglophone regions. To be candid, we can’t pretend to know the solutions talkless of mastering the modalities and methodology of resolving the current crisis.

However, we think the creation of this committee is a huge factor in the resolution of the ongoing difficult Anglophone equation. There is always a beginning in resolving a problem. If we add this committee to the solutions proposed in solving the specific contentious points raised by Common Law lawyers’ and Anglophone teachers’, we strongly believe the parties must strongly look into the denouement of the current situation. One thing is certain, the Anglophones have cried loud and clear and nothing can be the same again in this country.

The president’s latest action should be appreciated in all its dimension and he has to be encouraged so that he can go on. But this will also depend if he has positive indications from the other side. It is always good to put ourselves in the shoes of rulers during certain situations. Diktats and ultimatums always pushed them on the defensive and produces a backlash.

What we are saying in effect is that the primary rule of negotiating or dialoguing is for both sides to make concessions.
We are aware that the dissolution of the SCNC and especially the Consortium and the continuing arrest and detention of those linked to it has added another dimension to the current crisis. Be that as it may, we believe all parties can still work out a win-win situation so that normalcy return so that our children can go back to school, the courts can be fully functional again and businesses can go on hitch-free.

The Sun Newspaper

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Rita Akana

06.Feb.2017

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The political impasse in Cameroon may have been recently triggered by the actions of the English-speaking Common Lawyers' Association and Anglophone teachers late last year, but it has been buttressed by many Anglophone Cameroonians' longstanding resentment to the decades of marginalization and various forms of injustice they have suffered at the hands of the powers that be in the Republic of Cameroon.

Regarding the way forward, some have proposed holding an All-Anglophone Conference III, where representatives of all interest groups will, in theory, gather to deliberate and seek a common ground. But, then, no matter how broadly representative such an AAC III could be, it will be better for Anglophone Cameroonians themselves to directly determine how best they will prefer to proceed – via a referendum, perhaps, such as that of 1961.

George Ngwane, Buea-based renowned writer and Pan Africanist favors a referendum. In a recent Cameroon Concord interview, he said, "Would most Anglophones prefer a federalist structure or go for outright independence? I think the way to either of them can only be through a referendum and it is incumbent on the powers that be or the policy makers to understand that there is a possibility of creating a referendum like it was done in 1961 and 1972." Similarly, as indicated by the resolutions of their January 13 meeting in Kumba, the Cameroon Common Law Lawyers' Association have called for a referendum to be, as they opined, "reserved exclusively for those who voted (South West and North West Regions) in the United Nations' supervised plebiscite of 1961 on the form of government that will be suit their aspirations and way of life."

Which is why, while a group like the Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society Consortium (CACSC) may have helped raise awareness regarding Anglophones' plight, prior to being outlawed by the government, and using their civil society status, they should ideally have focused squarely on the advocacy for a referendum. It was never enough for the CACSC to denounce violence; the fact is, some of their wordings were subversive and, some would say, treasonous. It was only a matter of time before a repressive regime like Paul Biya's used that as a premise to stage a crackdown. Legally constituted governments, especially in Africa, don't take acts of subversion lightly. Any condemnation of a legally constituted government for perceived injustice must be careful not to be seen as subversive or lawless, as that would only give the state grounds for a crackdown – which then complicates attempts at dialogue between the state and the protesting parties. What is worth doing, it has been said, is worth doing well!

Meantime, the Common Law Lawyers' Association also set up a commission to draft "a Federal Constitution to revisit a two-state Federation". Two things are wrong here: First, you can't advocate for a referendum and at the same time propose constitutional reforms based upon what you assume will be the result of that referendum. It is rational and pragmatic to first focus on making the referendum happen. They can only propose questions that should be put to the Anglophone Cameroon population in the referendum. Second, it is not the duty of any non-elected professional body, including a body of lawyers, in a functioning republic, to draft a constitution. That legislative duty falls to the republic's legally constituted parliament. Should Anglophones ultimately vote for federalism, via a referendum, only then can any person or group of persons propose the constitutional reforms that will be needed to actualize that choice.

Whenever such a referendum materializes, the respective camps will make their cases to the Anglophone Cameroon electorate. Now, assuming the choice will be between a federal system in the Republic of Cameroon or outright independence for the two Anglophone Cameroon regions, I would argue in favor of federalism, for the following reasons.

Firstly, resolving the issues of marginalization, such as is the plight of Anglophone Cameroonians in the Republic of Cameroon essentially requires good governance. Minority marginalization and every injustice associated with it more often derives from bad governance and poor leadership. So, the best solution to it is good governance, first, by legitimately defeating the accused government and leader, in an election. The fact is, assuming Anglophone Cameroon becomes independent, for instance, similar issues of discord that currently exist at the government establishment level between English and French-speaking Cameroon will surely crop up between the North-Western and South-Western regions, and, in some ways, should an incompetent leader rise to power, there will still be some marginalization of some minority groups. South Sudan, for example, won independence from Sudan on July 9, 2011, thanks, in large part, to long-running civil wars between both sides, but then the newly independent country has been entangled in its own civil war since 2013 and ranked second highest on the 2016 Fragile States Index. And then, there is South Africa's President Jacob Zuma, who, despite being one of the key figures of their anti-apartheid struggle was found guilty, in 2016, of using state funds (over R246 million) to refurbish his private Nkandla home while millions of his fellow black South Africans wallow in joblessness and poverty. Which is to say, the ultimate objective of social justice craved and prized by revolutionary movements can only be sustained via good governance.

Secondly, even a casual comparison of the regional, multilateral and larger international contexts within which the Republic of Cameroon exists and that within which a prospective independent Anglophone Cameroon will exist, clearly shows that the status quo is much more advantageous. How? Well, thanks to its strategic geographical location and its dual Anglophone and Francophone cultural backgrounds, the Republic of Cameroon has direct boundary access to both the Central African market and the largest market in the ECOWAS region: Nigeria. With growing enthusiasm for, and steps being gradually taken to improve intra-regional trade among African countries, forward-thinking persons will immediately see the huge economic potential for Cameroon in having those direct boundary access lines. Same cannot be said of an independent Anglophone Cameroon. For one, the resulting distrust from seceding from the current Republic of Cameroon will surely hamper trade and bilateral ties with the remaining Francophone Cameroon republic. And two, Nigeria will keep an independent Anglophone Cameroon at arm's length for the simple reason that its success at independence will spur the pro-Biafra movement – not good for its stability.

In fact, Cameroon is rightly described as "Africa in miniature" because of its unique pan-African multifarious geographical, climatic and cultural endowments: diverse flora and fauna, rainforest and savanna, coastal plains and sparse deserts, Semi-Bantu and Bantu, etc. As Ousmanou Kouotou, Country Manager of DHL Express Cameroon once put it, "[In Cameroon], you have all of Africa in one country." Again, any forward-thinking person will immediately spot the huge touristic and national branding potential in that collective, especially ahead of Cameroon's hosting of an important continental event such as the 2019 African Cup of Nations. Sadly, but obviously, the same cannot be said of two separate Cameroons. And, by the way, the victory of the Indomitable Lions at the 2017 African Cup of Nations constitutes a good reminder of the great potential that Cameroon – the collective Cameroon – has in the beautiful game of football.

Thirdly, because the stability of nations is vital for world peace and progress, the process whereby component parts of existing states can make a case for and successfully gain independence, with international recognition, including by the United Nations, is never easy or straightforward. That is why, most often than not, the UN, the major UN Security Council veto-wielding powers, and the AU mainly advocate for dialogue and inclusiveness within such states. If it were easy to push for and gain independence with international recognition, marginalized component parts of many countries would do so as a first option, without exhausting other avenues for redress. And that's a recipe for instability within nations, which is definitely not something the international community favors. That explains why the two most recent cases of successful internationally-recognized independence movements – Kosovo from Serbia on February 17, 2008 and South Sudan from Sudan on July 9, 2011 – were both preceded by the compelling case of ethnic violence and civil wars. That scenario doesn't exist in the case of Cameroon and there is, thankfully, no indication that Cameroon will get there any time soon.

By the way, among those advocating for outright independence, has anyone wondered where a future capital city for an independent Anglophone Cameroon will be sited? South-Westerners are very likely not to accept Bamenda. North-Westerners, similarly, are likely not to accept Buea. The new republic will lack the capability and luxury to build a new capital city from scratch. This crucial issue alone clearly has the potential to rupture whatever independence agreements there may be between both regions, so much so that, before long, there will surely be further calls for going separate ways. Anyway, that's food for thought for the independence enthusiasts.

For those who prefer federalism, to devolve powers from the center to the regions, especially regarding such issues as the dual educational and legal systems, the first place to begin could be demanding a total, effective implementation of the 1996 Constitution of the Republic of Cameroon. If anyone feels the provisions of the 1996 Constitution don't go far enough, they can then demand the needed amendments and reforms.

Ultimately, as earlier stated, Cameroon's key problem is that of bad governance and bad leadership under Biya. Indeed, instead of acknowledging Anglophones' grievances and pursuing sincere dialogue to resolve them, the government has chosen a heavy-handed crackdown on dissent, even if somewhat subversive. Worse, the government has stupidly blocked the internet in the Anglophone regions, for more than a fortnight now!

The logical way out of this cycle of bad governance – to defeat Biya and his CPDM party at the next presidential election – is for democratic, forward-thinking opposition forces to rally behind a single candidate with some kind of wide appeal. That's what Senegal's opposition did to defeat Abdoulaye Wade in 2012. It's what Nigeria's opposition did to defeat Goodluck Jonathan in 2015 and it's what Gambia's opposition did to defeat Yahya Jammeh late last year. For Cameroon's 2018 presidential election, the opposition should rally behind someone like Joshua Osih, the SDF's first vice president and parliamentarian. Fluent in English and French and currently 48 years old (born on December 9, 1968), Osih's relative youthfulness, as well as national and international renown would make him a good candidate. And, though Cameroon doesn't currently have a two-round presidential election where, in case no one has a 50%+ victory margin in the first round, the top two candidates face off in the second round, it's the duty of the proposed opposition coalition to persistently demand them until they come to fruition, as that would greatly boost their chances of victory and set Cameroon on a path to its bright future. GOD bless Cameroon!

Raymond Eyo is an African political analyst. His articles and views have featured in publications such as New African magazine, The Africa Report, Think Africa Press, and African Arguments (the political news platform of The Royal African Society), among others. He can be reached via email at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..

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Raymond Eyo

05.Feb.2017

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Rita Akana

04.Feb.2017

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The interim leaders of the anglophone consortium have rejected claims made by Cameroon's state braodcaster, CRTV that the teachers strike action had been called off. CRTV on Saturday, 4 February announced that the strike action had been called off and schools are to resume on Monday, 6 Febraury 2017.

The Consortium was quick to reject the announcement as fake and baseless.One of its leaders posted this on his Facebook wall barely some minutes after the news was made public:

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Rita Akana

04.Feb.2017

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Anglophone Civil Society Consortium leader Tapang Ivo reacts to claims that the consortium is manipulating citizens back home in Cameroon.Below is a statement he released to that regards:

I have read aptly how a few social media users claim leaders sit abroad to manipulate minds back home. Well, let me for once react:

1. This is an ideology. It cost nothing for you to either accept or reject it depending on where you sit. And if truly, more than 98 percent of citizens accept the ideology, therefore, there is a problem of reasoning with the insignificant 2 percent.

2. The spiral of silence theory states that a silent minority often fear to express their views when faced with a majority opposition. But with the advent of the social media, this is not the case because citizens could create blogs and stand against the "majority." However, I have not seen any of such opposition blogs run by West Cameroon admins. That tells you we are too UNITED and they are too few and insignificant to cause a storm in a teacup.

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Tapang Ivo

03.Feb.2017

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Dear Mr. Musonge,

I have been monitoring the events playing out in West Cameroon and I do appreciate your efforts to encourage parents to send their children to school. As we all know, education, indeed quality education, is the key to a bright future and any child who does not have access to such education will unfortunately spend the rest of their life in perpetual darkness. This message has always been reiterated by the government of our country. Unfortunately, each time the children acquire their certificates which are supposed to be the right keys to that bright future, the government changes the lock, making their education worthless. Is it not strange to give these children life and then withhold the ingredients that make life beautiful? Most of these graduates remain unemployed for long periods of time, with many returning to their villages to become desperate farmers because of poor policies and incredible corruption.

I would, however, encourage you to continue your crusade, but will be prompt to advise that you deal with the issues that are keeping our children out of school rather than pushing them to the same schools that are not worth their weight in gold. Isn’t it wise to strike the roots of the problem, rather than spend time trying to break the branches of the problem?

Your effort to reunite the southwest region is laudable, but you must understand that the centres of power and decision-making have changed. Those of us in the Diaspora have been financing the studies of our family members as if there is no government to take care of them. Indeed, we have been responsible for their lives, making sure they go to the hospital when they are sick, sending money for their survival and paying those exorbitant bills that you and your government have imposed on them. Today, you must understand that he who pays the piper calls the tune. You should have understood this a long time ago as the people no longer listen to you. Your masters should have understood this and should have cut you and your folks out of the corridors of power.

Similarly, those of you who have erroneously been thinking that you represent all of us from the southwest region have been rejected by the people because of the arrogance with which you have been bearing yourself in public. If you represent anybody today, it is clearly your family which has reaped the benefits of your association with a government that has not made many of us to develop a sense of belonging to that country.

I would like to remind you that the Southwest Diaspora constitutes a huge and meaningful factor in our region’s economic and political g g. You and your likes should understand this and you must work hard to bring the Diaspora on board in whatever venture or project you are designing for the Southwest region. The old days are behind us and if you still want to be relevant in today’s Cameroon, then you must reach out to the Diaspora that has borne the brunt of the mismanagement and corruption that have become our country’s hallmarks.

Allow me to also draw your attention to something that is very important to many Anglophones today. Anglophones across the country have come together to make their fate better. A few of you have benefitted from the system through flagrant manipulation and dishonesty. In many cases, in order for you to continue feathering yours nest, you fan the embers of division between the North-West and South-west. While those differences may exist, the people from Mamfe to Jakiri, Tiko to Kumbo and Mankon to Buea have decided to work together to achieve what you politicians have failed to achieve in 55 years. Anglophones have experienced a lot of marginalization in that country, but because of self-interest, you and your so-called politicians have never bothered to draw the government’s attention to their sorry plight. The people have decided to take the bull by the horn this time around and they will not be passing through anybody to get that message across. The ghost towns and school closures constitute eloquent proof of their determination to make their voices heard.

The writing on the wall is very clear. Your time is over. The southwest region needs a new political elite; an elite that will place the people’s interest at the centre of every action and policy. Old ways have only dumped the people in grinding poverty. They have been robbed of their happiness for decades. They have decided to try something different and new. They can no longer listen to the politicians who have robbed them of their dignity and denied their children the opportunity to have a taste of good life.

Mr. Musonge, this letter is not intended to disrespect you and all those attending the hastily organized meeting in Buea. It is designed to enable you see the writing on the wall. No money, no beer, no rice and no promises will convince the people of the Southwest that you are genuinely representing them. The issues on the table must be dealt with for the smart people of the Southwest region to listen to anybody. Times have changed, so too must the political elite. If you and your folks do not come out of the self-imposed cocoon of miserable importance, you might never understand why all your strategies are failing. South-westerners have moved on and they will surely achieve their goals without you and your folks.

The Diaspora is willing to work with you to make the lives of our people better. But if you stick with your old ways and mentality, then you are clearly advising that you are irrelevant in the new and modern Cameroon.

I look forward to a change of mentality and strategy so that our country can make giant strides towards meaningful and sustainable development.

Sincerely,

Joachim Arrey.

About the Author: The author of this letter has served as a translator, technical writer, journalist and editor for several international organizations and corporations across the globe. He studied communication at the University of Leicester in the United Kingdom and technical writing in George Brown College in Toronto, Canada. He is also a trained translator and holds a Ph.D.

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Joachim Arrey

03.Feb.2017

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