Editorial

Germany hosted another Berlin Conference on November the 25th 2015. This time around it was to present “Africa and the Challenges of Security, Development, and Governance”. Dr. Chistopher Fomunyoh told the world about his Cameroon of Tomorrow. Below is the speech delivered by the man in his words.

Afrikahaus, Berlin, Germany

November 25, 2015

In the past two decades, many African countries transitioned from autocratic or military rule to democratic forms of government, and the continent has witnessed progress in development and governance trends in many areas. Unfortunately, as the continent seemed set to consolidate these gains, growing security threats have emerged that could undermine peace and prosperity, especially if governance structures do not become more effective in meeting citizens’ needs.

Security

Surely Africa has experienced liberation wars, civil wars and other sorts of conflict and violence in the past, but the particularities of insecurity in today’s Africa stem from the changing nature of current security threats and vulnerabilities. Unlike in previous eras, the proliferation of nonstate actors is forcing African militaries and security services to engage in asymmetric warfare for which they may not have been prepared. In subSaharan Africa, conventional warfare or interstate conflict has been on the decline, whereas intrastate conflicts have been on the rise. Between 2002 and 2005, the number of statebased conflicts in subSaharan Africa dropped by 60 percent. However, in 2005, more than 50 percent of the world’s intrastate conflicts occurred in Africa, even as that represented a sharp decline in the number of wars since the 1990s.1 Whether in Somalia, South Sudan, NorthEastern Nigeria, Darfur, Central African Republic, Northern Mali, or Eastern Congo, insecurity in today’s Africa emerges within national borders, even if in some instances exacerbated by nonstate actors moving across what we all know to be very porous national borders. Not too surprisingly, the triggers of insecurity tend to blur the lines, as one frequently finds that behind these acts of violence are a mix of characters with multiple agendas ranging from the mildly political to the criminal and the religious. In most cases, there is a confluence of elements that identify with grievances in all three sectors, hence further complicating the resolution of conflict once it breaks out.

There is a growing and disturbing convergence and connection among networks of organized crime, drug trafficking, illicit activities, money laundering, kidnapping, and terrorism. For example, failing economic development, high youth unemployment, the lack of industries and job opportunities, limited education, and low access to participation in governance provide the breeding ground (or swamps) in which extremist groups thrive. Collectively, as African countries fight these groups, we must also focus on draining the swamps infested with elements that facilitate recruitment of future extremists and hence exacerbate human insecurity.

In the last decade,deep insecurity has been thrust upon African countries by transnational terrorist groups or jihadists that seek to use hitherto ungoverned spaces in some countries, notably in the Sahel and the Horn, as launchpads for attacks against domestic and international targets. As we saw in last Friday’s attack in Bamako, Mali, or with Boko Haram in Northeastern Nigeria (which now calls itself the the Islamic State of West Africa), extremist organizations operating in Africa are eager to build alliances with similar organizations in other parts of the world, notably Al Qaeda and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). In many ways, the terrorism threat in SubSaharan Africa that has flared up in recent years is fueled by the global spread of extremist ideologies that exploit social media and its easily accessible information sharing environment. The Sahel region as well as the Horn of Africa are paying a price for a jihadism that has trickled over from the Middle East, and is now fueled exponentially by the proliferation of light weapons across the continent, and the aftershocks of the Libyan crisis and the chaotic demise of the Muammar Gaddafi regime. It is common knowledge that AlQaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQMI) was launched initially by elements that fought to overthrow the Algerian government in the early 1990s, but in recent years, have consolidated their activities across the Sahel region, particularly in northern Mali. Similarly, Boko Haram with its origins in Northeastern Nigeria is now having a devastating impact on the neighboring countries of Niger Republic, Chad and my own country Cameroon. In the same manner, the activities of AlShabaab in Somalia are having a destabilizing effect on the security and economic prospects of Kenya and other countries in East Africa and the Horn.

I would like to briefly discuss a few of the most prominent sources of insecurity in subSaharan Africa at the moment.

Boko Haram in Nigeria:

According to the Global Terrorism Index report, Boko Haram 2 is the deadliest terrorist group in the world (ahead of ISIS, the Taliban and AlShabab), having murdered close to 7000 people in terrorist attacks in Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad, and Niger Republic. In 2014, 23 percent of all terrorismrelated deaths worldwide occurred in northern Nigeria. Although we do not have complete figures for how many people Boko Haram has killed in 2015, the terrorist group has dramatically increased its crossborder attacks into Chad, Cameroon and Niger, with a spate of suicide bombings earlier this year killing at least 53 people in N’Djamena, the Chadian capital.

AlShabaab in Somalia:

Another SubSaharan African country, Somalia, continues to struggle to combat Islamic terrorism as AlShabaab seeks to undermine various incarnations of the Somali government since 2009. Despite suffering major setbacks in 2014 and being pushed out of all the major cities of the country, AlShabaab killed more people in terrorist attacks this past year than ever before at least 800 people in more than 400 attacks.3 AlShabaab has also attempted to strike outside of Somalia, killing people in attacks in Djibouti, Ethiopia, and Kenya.

Northern Mali:

Despite the push back from Malians backed by other African forces and French military that routed out Islamist militant forces (Operation Serval) in 2013, Northern Mali, remains a hotbed for Islamic terrorist activity. As 4 the recent attack on the Hotel Radisson Blu in Bamako last Friday showed, terrorist groups in Mali, notably Ansar Dine and Al Mourabitoun (which has claimed responsibility for the attack)5, have begun to attack “soft targets” such as hotels, cafes, and supermarkets.

Development

In the past two decades, gross national income (GNI) per capita has almost doubled in many countries across Africa. According to the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other international financial institutions, many African countries have taken steps to improve the environment for doing business, as a result of which the costs and time required to start a business have declined substantially. Five African countries, Benin, Cote d’Ivoire, DRC, Senegal, and Togo, even rank in the top 10 countries worldwide for enacting reforms that make it easier to do business. Surely, the continent’s abundance of natural resources is driving some economic gains. Africa remains a viable trading partner with a multiplicity of untapped mineral resources. For example, Guinea, with a population of 12 million people, is the world's second largest producer of bauxite and has rich deposits of diamonds and gold. Guinea comes after Australia in bauxite production, but at the same time, maintains the highest bauxite reserves in the world, far ahead of Australia. Ghana and South Africa figure prominently among the top ten gold producing countries in the world. Five African countries Cote d'lvoire, Ghana, Nigeria, Cameroon, and Togo are among the top 10 world producers of cocoa. Five others Ethiopia, Cote d'lvoire, Uganda, Cameroon and Togo are among the top ten world producers of coffee. Gulf of Guinea countries that include Nigeria, Gabon, Congo Brazzaville, Equatorial Guinea and Angola, account for close to 20 percent of oil imports into the United States; and new technology in oil exploration and production is contributing to new oil discoveries in countries such as Mauritania, Chad, Ghana, Cote d'lvoire, Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique, and even Niger. Take a look at the mineral map of the DRC: cobalt, coal, natural gas, nickel, diamonds, gemstones, gold, water resources for hydroelectric purposes, to name a few. Today’s era of globalization has witnessed a boom of new technologies. Financial flows, together with innovation, create markets that foster growth; and one of the biggest growing sectors on the continent is the information and communications technology sector (ICT). Several reports indicate that in 2014, globally, investments in the ICT sector only increased in Africa. Countries such as Kenya,

Ghana, Rwanda, Tanzania, South Africa and Nigeria have made huge investments in ICT infrastructure, working in partnership with international agencies, ICT vendors and researchers. This is no surprise, as Africa is also home to 200 million young people between the ages of 15 and 24, a number that could double by 2045 according to the African Development Bank. This age group is the biggest consumer of technological goods, and as they grow in numbers, so does the demand in this sector. The demographics, if properly managed, are a real asset for Africa. The grievance that many Africans carry, and rightly so, is that these rosy stories of macroeconomic trends and economic potential on the African continent do not translate necessarily into improvements in the wellbeing of ordinary citizens. Too many Africans still live below the poverty line, youth unemployment is extremelyhigh, corruption and economic crimes are high, and investment in the social sectors of health, education, and public welfare are very low. The bottom line is that Africa is not a poor continent. Indeed, it is a rich and wealthy continent both in terms of human capital and natural resources; but it is the poor management of these resources that causes extreme poverty on the continent, and an ever expanding gap between the rich and the poor.

Uneven distribution of economic gains contributes to insecurity as disaffected citizens living in poverty may turn against the government status quo. It is this excessive poverty, not just in economic terms but also in access to political space, freedom, and the civil liberties that most of the world takes for granted, that pushes young Africans to seek greener pastures in other lands, sometimes through the hazards of illegal migration and human trafficking, or that makes young people vulnerable to the recruiter incentives of extremist movements. In this regard, the youth population bulge I described earlier as an asset could become a liability: while having a larger working age population should increase public revenues that can be used to support societal needs, in Africa high levels of unemployment translates into increases in the number of disaffected young people that could be instrumental to movements turned against the state. Speaking at the last conference on migration held in Malta a few weeks ago, the President of Niger Republic Mahamadou Issoufou stated that “over 100,000 illegal migrants from subSaharan Africa cross Niger and the Sahara desert every year in search of better livelihoods in Europe.” He listed the causes of such illicit activity as linked to poverty, inequalities, and the deficits of democracy, and then urged Europe and Africa to work together to create conditions for people to feel they could lead decent lives in their home countries.

Governance and Democracy

Political stability that is founded on institutiondriven effective governance creates an enabling environment for sustainable economic development and eliminating the conditions that serve as breeding grounds for extremism. In authoritarian environments, investors must worry that the rules on commercial transactions and other engagements could always be changed overnight at the whims of one man or of a tiny circle of oligarchs. Invariably, a government with questionable legitimacy is less likely to build the national consensus needed to deliver effective social services to citizens and generate or sustain longterm economic growth and development. On the contrary, such a government devotes public resources to sustaining a system of patronage, prebendalism and corruption, without which its stay in power becomes tenuous. The development of strong democratic institutions and good governance practices therefore contributes substantially to growth and development. With the third wave of democratization that began after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War, Africa saw the independence of Namibia in 1989/1990, the end of apartheid and release of Nelson Mandela in South Africa in 1991, and the fall of many military and autocratic regimes. In fact, in 1990, Freedom House, which ranks freedoms around the world, rated only four African countries Senegal,

Botswana, Mauritius, and the Gambia as partially free or democratic. Today, Freedom House rates about 11 African countries as totally free and another 19 as partially free, for a total of about 30. Indeed, many African countries have made considerable progress in the past two decades in renewing political leadership, conducting credible and transparent elections, providing space for vibrant political parties and civil society organizations, and creating new institutions that espouse the rule of law, democracy and good governance. For example, the African Union Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance (2007), and subregional entities such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), InterGovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have protocols that promote free trade and allow for free movement of persons and goods, hence promoting more open markets. In today's Africa, unlike two decades ago, civil society is vibrant and seeks to play an advocacy role; human rights organizations exist and regularly denounce the gross violations of human rights by the dozen or so remaining autocratic regimes; and independent media (that includes community based radio stations and print media) provide opportunities for diverse viewpoints and dissenting voices to be heard.

For example, through the first quarter of 2012, Senegal’s democracy was tested by controversy over the candidacy of then incumbent President Wade, viewed by many Senegalese as contrary to the term limits enshrined in the country’s constitution. Thanks in large measure to effective grassroots mobilization by Senegalese civil society, the media, youth movements and political parties, the electoral process was safeguarded and the country experienced a credible transition of power. Similarly, in Burkina Faso in October 2014, when military strongman and longserving Blaise Compaore tried to amend the country’s constitution to extend his 27 years rule, he was chased out of office by a citizenled revolt that was largely peaceful. Not surprisingly, in September this year when remnants of Compaore’s supporters in the presidential guard staged a coup against the transition process, citizens took to the streets and with support from civil society, independent media, and the armed forces of the country, foiled the coup attempt. The Senegal and Burkina Faso examples are significant because they demonstrate that other tenets of democracy are taking root across Africa, and when properly mobilized can serve as a firewall to democratic backsliding.

It is against the backdrop of these significant political changes in Africa that many Africans and friends of the continent lament and condemn the backsliding observed in countries such as Burundi, Congo Brazzaville and Rwanda, where leaders are undermining constitutional rule by manipulating the rule of law to perpetuate themselves in office. By so doing, these leaders shrink or close political space and open the doors to violence and gross violations of human rights as citizens suffocate under their heavy handedness and feel obliged to seek alternativemeans of making their voices heard and their votes count.

Synthesis

In this 21st century, security, development, and governance are deeply intertwined. In today’s very competitive globalizing world, only African countries that are able to tackle all three challenges simultaneously will do well; the nonperformers will invariably face backsliding and rejection. Some countries on the continent are still plagued by issues of corruption, shrinking political space and lack of credible political transitions, and marginalization of its poorest communities. Without effective political leadership and the appropriate delivery of public services to citizens, the prerequisites for development would never be met, and the Millennium Development Goals would remain a distant illusion. To have sustained economic growth, Africa needs inclusive economic institutions and viable political systems capable of creating an enabling environment for private sector investments and exercising proper oversight. In short, today’s debate is not just about having a nation state in name; it is, and should be, more importantly, about how the state is governed. In looking at the way forward,we must recognize that Africa is a fast growing continent in which approximately 40 percent of the population is below 15 years old. In countries such as Mali and Uganda, close to 50 percent of the population is below 15 years old compared to only 20 percent in the USA and approximately 13 percent for Germany. Africa is therefore a youthful continent. There is no doubt in my mind that the youthful population of Africa is an asset to the continent and the world if the continent’s political leaders can create opportunities for these youth to find gainful employment and lead meaningful lives. Africa calls for visionary leadership, and the world has a vested interest in accompanying the continent in this search. Friends of Africa and the continent’s population of approximately one billion people continue to aspire to a better future one in which the three challenges of security, development and good governance are guaranteed. For these aspirations to come to fruition, the continent’s leaders must commit to prioritizing these three areas and conducting themselves as true servants of their people. They must also demonstrate the ability to project Africa on the global stage such that this beautiful continent can make its contribution to the world as part of the global community of our very humanity.Thank you very much for your time and attention.

Details: Ngwa Bertrand; 28.Nov.2015; Hits: 3029

Germany hosted another Berlin Conference on November the 25th 2015. This time around it was to present “Africa and the Challenges of Security, Development, and Governance”. Dr. Chistopher Fomunyoh told the world about his Cameroon of Tomorrow. Below is the speech delivered by the man in his words.

Afrikahaus, Berlin, Germany

November 25, 2015

In the past two decades, many African countries transitioned from autocratic or military rule to democratic forms of government, and the continent has witnessed progress in development and governance trends in many areas. Unfortunately, as the continent seemed set to consolidate these gains, growing security threats have emerged that could undermine peace and prosperity, especially if governance structures do not become more effective in meeting citizens’ needs.

Security

Surely Africa has experienced liberation wars, civil wars and other sorts of conflict and violence in the past, but the particularities of insecurity in today’s Africa stem from the changing nature of current security threats and vulnerabilities. Unlike in previous eras, the proliferation of nonstate actors is forcing African militaries and security services to engage in asymmetric warfare for which they may not have been prepared. In subSaharan Africa, conventional warfare or interstate conflict has been on the decline, whereas intrastate conflicts have been on the rise. Between 2002 and 2005, the number of statebased conflicts in subSaharan Africa dropped by 60 percent. However, in 2005, more than 50 percent of the world’s intrastate conflicts occurred in Africa, even as that represented a sharp decline in the number of wars since the 1990s.1 Whether in Somalia, South Sudan, NorthEastern Nigeria, Darfur, Central African Republic, Northern Mali, or Eastern Congo, insecurity in today’s Africa emerges within national borders, even if in some instances exacerbated by nonstate actors moving across what we all know to be very porous national borders. Not too surprisingly, the triggers of insecurity tend to blur the lines, as one frequently finds that behind these acts of violence are a mix of characters with multiple agendas ranging from the mildly political to the criminal and the religious. In most cases, there is a confluence of elements that identify with grievances in all three sectors, hence further complicating the resolution of conflict once it breaks out.

There is a growing and disturbing convergence and connection among networks of organized crime, drug trafficking, illicit activities, money laundering, kidnapping, and terrorism. For example, failing economic development, high youth unemployment, the lack of industries and job opportunities, limited education, and low access to participation in governance provide the breeding ground (or swamps) in which extremist groups thrive. Collectively, as African countries fight these groups, we must also focus on draining the swamps infested with elements that facilitate recruitment of future extremists and hence exacerbate human insecurity.

In the last decade,deep insecurity has been thrust upon African countries by transnational terrorist groups or jihadists that seek to use hitherto ungoverned spaces in some countries, notably in the Sahel and the Horn, as launchpads for attacks against domestic and international targets. As we saw in last Friday’s attack in Bamako, Mali, or with Boko Haram in Northeastern Nigeria (which now calls itself the the Islamic State of West Africa), extremist organizations operating in Africa are eager to build alliances with similar organizations in other parts of the world, notably Al Qaeda and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). In many ways, the terrorism threat in SubSaharan Africa that has flared up in recent years is fueled by the global spread of extremist ideologies that exploit social media and its easily accessible information sharing environment. The Sahel region as well as the Horn of Africa are paying a price for a jihadism that has trickled over from the Middle East, and is now fueled exponentially by the proliferation of light weapons across the continent, and the aftershocks of the Libyan crisis and the chaotic demise of the Muammar Gaddafi regime. It is common knowledge that AlQaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQMI) was launched initially by elements that fought to overthrow the Algerian government in the early 1990s, but in recent years, have consolidated their activities across the Sahel region, particularly in northern Mali. Similarly, Boko Haram with its origins in Northeastern Nigeria is now having a devastating impact on the neighboring countries of Niger Republic, Chad and my own country Cameroon. In the same manner, the activities of AlShabaab in Somalia are having a destabilizing effect on the security and economic prospects of Kenya and other countries in East Africa and the Horn.

I would like to briefly discuss a few of the most prominent sources of insecurity in subSaharan Africa at the moment.

Boko Haram in Nigeria:

According to the Global Terrorism Index report, Boko Haram 2 is the deadliest terrorist group in the world (ahead of ISIS, the Taliban and AlShabab), having murdered close to 7000 people in terrorist attacks in Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad, and Niger Republic. In 2014, 23 percent of all terrorismrelated deaths worldwide occurred in northern Nigeria. Although we do not have complete figures for how many people Boko Haram has killed in 2015, the terrorist group has dramatically increased its crossborder attacks into Chad, Cameroon and Niger, with a spate of suicide bombings earlier this year killing at least 53 people in N’Djamena, the Chadian capital.

AlShabaab in Somalia:

Another SubSaharan African country, Somalia, continues to struggle to combat Islamic terrorism as AlShabaab seeks to undermine various incarnations of the Somali government since 2009. Despite suffering major setbacks in 2014 and being pushed out of all the major cities of the country, AlShabaab killed more people in terrorist attacks this past year than ever before at least 800 people in more than 400 attacks.3 AlShabaab has also attempted to strike outside of Somalia, killing people in attacks in Djibouti, Ethiopia, and Kenya.

Northern Mali:

Despite the push back from Malians backed by other African forces and French military that routed out Islamist militant forces (Operation Serval) in 2013, Northern Mali, remains a hotbed for Islamic terrorist activity. As 4 the recent attack on the Hotel Radisson Blu in Bamako last Friday showed, terrorist groups in Mali, notably Ansar Dine and Al Mourabitoun (which has claimed responsibility for the attack)5, have begun to attack “soft targets” such as hotels, cafes, and supermarkets.

Development

In the past two decades, gross national income (GNI) per capita has almost doubled in many countries across Africa. According to the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other international financial institutions, many African countries have taken steps to improve the environment for doing business, as a result of which the costs and time required to start a business have declined substantially. Five African countries, Benin, Cote d’Ivoire, DRC, Senegal, and Togo, even rank in the top 10 countries worldwide for enacting reforms that make it easier to do business. Surely, the continent’s abundance of natural resources is driving some economic gains. Africa remains a viable trading partner with a multiplicity of untapped mineral resources. For example, Guinea, with a population of 12 million people, is the world's second largest producer of bauxite and has rich deposits of diamonds and gold. Guinea comes after Australia in bauxite production, but at the same time, maintains the highest bauxite reserves in the world, far ahead of Australia. Ghana and South Africa figure prominently among the top ten gold producing countries in the world. Five African countries Cote d'lvoire, Ghana, Nigeria, Cameroon, and Togo are among the top 10 world producers of cocoa. Five others Ethiopia, Cote d'lvoire, Uganda, Cameroon and Togo are among the top ten world producers of coffee. Gulf of Guinea countries that include Nigeria, Gabon, Congo Brazzaville, Equatorial Guinea and Angola, account for close to 20 percent of oil imports into the United States; and new technology in oil exploration and production is contributing to new oil discoveries in countries such as Mauritania, Chad, Ghana, Cote d'lvoire, Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique, and even Niger. Take a look at the mineral map of the DRC: cobalt, coal, natural gas, nickel, diamonds, gemstones, gold, water resources for hydroelectric purposes, to name a few. Today’s era of globalization has witnessed a boom of new technologies. Financial flows, together with innovation, create markets that foster growth; and one of the biggest growing sectors on the continent is the information and communications technology sector (ICT). Several reports indicate that in 2014, globally, investments in the ICT sector only increased in Africa. Countries such as Kenya,

Ghana, Rwanda, Tanzania, South Africa and Nigeria have made huge investments in ICT infrastructure, working in partnership with international agencies, ICT vendors and researchers. This is no surprise, as Africa is also home to 200 million young people between the ages of 15 and 24, a number that could double by 2045 according to the African Development Bank. This age group is the biggest consumer of technological goods, and as they grow in numbers, so does the demand in this sector. The demographics, if properly managed, are a real asset for Africa. The grievance that many Africans carry, and rightly so, is that these rosy stories of macroeconomic trends and economic potential on the African continent do not translate necessarily into improvements in the wellbeing of ordinary citizens. Too many Africans still live below the poverty line, youth unemployment is extremelyhigh, corruption and economic crimes are high, and investment in the social sectors of health, education, and public welfare are very low. The bottom line is that Africa is not a poor continent. Indeed, it is a rich and wealthy continent both in terms of human capital and natural resources; but it is the poor management of these resources that causes extreme poverty on the continent, and an ever expanding gap between the rich and the poor.

Uneven distribution of economic gains contributes to insecurity as disaffected citizens living in poverty may turn against the government status quo. It is this excessive poverty, not just in economic terms but also in access to political space, freedom, and the civil liberties that most of the world takes for granted, that pushes young Africans to seek greener pastures in other lands, sometimes through the hazards of illegal migration and human trafficking, or that makes young people vulnerable to the recruiter incentives of extremist movements. In this regard, the youth population bulge I described earlier as an asset could become a liability: while having a larger working age population should increase public revenues that can be used to support societal needs, in Africa high levels of unemployment translates into increases in the number of disaffected young people that could be instrumental to movements turned against the state. Speaking at the last conference on migration held in Malta a few weeks ago, the President of Niger Republic Mahamadou Issoufou stated that “over 100,000 illegal migrants from subSaharan Africa cross Niger and the Sahara desert every year in search of better livelihoods in Europe.” He listed the causes of such illicit activity as linked to poverty, inequalities, and the deficits of democracy, and then urged Europe and Africa to work together to create conditions for people to feel they could lead decent lives in their home countries.

Governance and Democracy

Political stability that is founded on institutiondriven effective governance creates an enabling environment for sustainable economic development and eliminating the conditions that serve as breeding grounds for extremism. In authoritarian environments, investors must worry that the rules on commercial transactions and other engagements could always be changed overnight at the whims of one man or of a tiny circle of oligarchs. Invariably, a government with questionable legitimacy is less likely to build the national consensus needed to deliver effective social services to citizens and generate or sustain longterm economic growth and development. On the contrary, such a government devotes public resources to sustaining a system of patronage, prebendalism and corruption, without which its stay in power becomes tenuous. The development of strong democratic institutions and good governance practices therefore contributes substantially to growth and development. With the third wave of democratization that began after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War, Africa saw the independence of Namibia in 1989/1990, the end of apartheid and release of Nelson Mandela in South Africa in 1991, and the fall of many military and autocratic regimes. In fact, in 1990, Freedom House, which ranks freedoms around the world, rated only four African countries Senegal,

Botswana, Mauritius, and the Gambia as partially free or democratic. Today, Freedom House rates about 11 African countries as totally free and another 19 as partially free, for a total of about 30. Indeed, many African countries have made considerable progress in the past two decades in renewing political leadership, conducting credible and transparent elections, providing space for vibrant political parties and civil society organizations, and creating new institutions that espouse the rule of law, democracy and good governance. For example, the African Union Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance (2007), and subregional entities such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), InterGovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have protocols that promote free trade and allow for free movement of persons and goods, hence promoting more open markets. In today's Africa, unlike two decades ago, civil society is vibrant and seeks to play an advocacy role; human rights organizations exist and regularly denounce the gross violations of human rights by the dozen or so remaining autocratic regimes; and independent media (that includes community based radio stations and print media) provide opportunities for diverse viewpoints and dissenting voices to be heard.

For example, through the first quarter of 2012, Senegal’s democracy was tested by controversy over the candidacy of then incumbent President Wade, viewed by many Senegalese as contrary to the term limits enshrined in the country’s constitution. Thanks in large measure to effective grassroots mobilization by Senegalese civil society, the media, youth movements and political parties, the electoral process was safeguarded and the country experienced a credible transition of power. Similarly, in Burkina Faso in October 2014, when military strongman and longserving Blaise Compaore tried to amend the country’s constitution to extend his 27 years rule, he was chased out of office by a citizenled revolt that was largely peaceful. Not surprisingly, in September this year when remnants of Compaore’s supporters in the presidential guard staged a coup against the transition process, citizens took to the streets and with support from civil society, independent media, and the armed forces of the country, foiled the coup attempt. The Senegal and Burkina Faso examples are significant because they demonstrate that other tenets of democracy are taking root across Africa, and when properly mobilized can serve as a firewall to democratic backsliding.

It is against the backdrop of these significant political changes in Africa that many Africans and friends of the continent lament and condemn the backsliding observed in countries such as Burundi, Congo Brazzaville and Rwanda, where leaders are undermining constitutional rule by manipulating the rule of law to perpetuate themselves in office. By so doing, these leaders shrink or close political space and open the doors to violence and gross violations of human rights as citizens suffocate under their heavy handedness and feel obliged to seek alternativemeans of making their voices heard and their votes count.

Synthesis

In this 21st century, security, development, and governance are deeply intertwined. In today’s very competitive globalizing world, only African countries that are able to tackle all three challenges simultaneously will do well; the nonperformers will invariably face backsliding and rejection. Some countries on the continent are still plagued by issues of corruption, shrinking political space and lack of credible political transitions, and marginalization of its poorest communities. Without effective political leadership and the appropriate delivery of public services to citizens, the prerequisites for development would never be met, and the Millennium Development Goals would remain a distant illusion. To have sustained economic growth, Africa needs inclusive economic institutions and viable political systems capable of creating an enabling environment for private sector investments and exercising proper oversight. In short, today’s debate is not just about having a nation state in name; it is, and should be, more importantly, about how the state is governed. In looking at the way forward,we must recognize that Africa is a fast growing continent in which approximately 40 percent of the population is below 15 years old. In countries such as Mali and Uganda, close to 50 percent of the population is below 15 years old compared to only 20 percent in the USA and approximately 13 percent for Germany. Africa is therefore a youthful continent. There is no doubt in my mind that the youthful population of Africa is an asset to the continent and the world if the continent’s political leaders can create opportunities for these youth to find gainful employment and lead meaningful lives. Africa calls for visionary leadership, and the world has a vested interest in accompanying the continent in this search. Friends of Africa and the continent’s population of approximately one billion people continue to aspire to a better future one in which the three challenges of security, development and good governance are guaranteed. For these aspirations to come to fruition, the continent’s leaders must commit to prioritizing these three areas and conducting themselves as true servants of their people. They must also demonstrate the ability to project Africa on the global stage such that this beautiful continent can make its contribution to the world as part of the global community of our very humanity.Thank you very much for your time and attention.

Details: Ngwa Bertrand; 28.Nov.2015; Hits: 2848

Germany hosted another Berlin Conference on November the 25th 2015. This time around it was to present “Africa and the Challenges of Security, Development, and Governance”. Dr. Chistopher Fomunyoh told the world about his Cameroon of Tomorrow. Below is the speech delivered by the man in his words.

Afrikahaus, Berlin, Germany

November 25, 2015

In the past two decades, many African countries transitioned from autocratic or military rule to democratic forms of government, and the continent has witnessed progress in development and governance trends in many areas. Unfortunately, as the continent seemed set to consolidate these gains, growing security threats have emerged that could undermine peace and prosperity, especially if governance structures do not become more effective in meeting citizens’ needs.

Security

Surely Africa has experienced liberation wars, civil wars and other sorts of conflict and violence in the past, but the particularities of insecurity in today’s Africa stem from the changing nature of current security threats and vulnerabilities. Unlike in previous eras, the proliferation of nonstate actors is forcing African militaries and security services to engage in asymmetric warfare for which they may not have been prepared. In subSaharan Africa, conventional warfare or interstate conflict has been on the decline, whereas intrastate conflicts have been on the rise. Between 2002 and 2005, the number of statebased conflicts in subSaharan Africa dropped by 60 percent. However, in 2005, more than 50 percent of the world’s intrastate conflicts occurred in Africa, even as that represented a sharp decline in the number of wars since the 1990s.1 Whether in Somalia, South Sudan, NorthEastern Nigeria, Darfur, Central African Republic, Northern Mali, or Eastern Congo, insecurity in today’s Africa emerges within national borders, even if in some instances exacerbated by nonstate actors moving across what we all know to be very porous national borders. Not too surprisingly, the triggers of insecurity tend to blur the lines, as one frequently finds that behind these acts of violence are a mix of characters with multiple agendas ranging from the mildly political to the criminal and the religious. In most cases, there is a confluence of elements that identify with grievances in all three sectors, hence further complicating the resolution of conflict once it breaks out.

There is a growing and disturbing convergence and connection among networks of organized crime, drug trafficking, illicit activities, money laundering, kidnapping, and terrorism. For example, failing economic development, high youth unemployment, the lack of industries and job opportunities, limited education, and low access to participation in governance provide the breeding ground (or swamps) in which extremist groups thrive. Collectively, as African countries fight these groups, we must also focus on draining the swamps infested with elements that facilitate recruitment of future extremists and hence exacerbate human insecurity.

In the last decade,deep insecurity has been thrust upon African countries by transnational terrorist groups or jihadists that seek to use hitherto ungoverned spaces in some countries, notably in the Sahel and the Horn, as launchpads for attacks against domestic and international targets. As we saw in last Friday’s attack in Bamako, Mali, or with Boko Haram in Northeastern Nigeria (which now calls itself the the Islamic State of West Africa), extremist organizations operating in Africa are eager to build alliances with similar organizations in other parts of the world, notably Al Qaeda and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). In many ways, the terrorism threat in SubSaharan Africa that has flared up in recent years is fueled by the global spread of extremist ideologies that exploit social media and its easily accessible information sharing environment. The Sahel region as well as the Horn of Africa are paying a price for a jihadism that has trickled over from the Middle East, and is now fueled exponentially by the proliferation of light weapons across the continent, and the aftershocks of the Libyan crisis and the chaotic demise of the Muammar Gaddafi regime. It is common knowledge that AlQaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQMI) was launched initially by elements that fought to overthrow the Algerian government in the early 1990s, but in recent years, have consolidated their activities across the Sahel region, particularly in northern Mali. Similarly, Boko Haram with its origins in Northeastern Nigeria is now having a devastating impact on the neighboring countries of Niger Republic, Chad and my own country Cameroon. In the same manner, the activities of AlShabaab in Somalia are having a destabilizing effect on the security and economic prospects of Kenya and other countries in East Africa and the Horn.

I would like to briefly discuss a few of the most prominent sources of insecurity in subSaharan Africa at the moment.

Boko Haram in Nigeria:

According to the Global Terrorism Index report, Boko Haram 2 is the deadliest terrorist group in the world (ahead of ISIS, the Taliban and AlShabab), having murdered close to 7000 people in terrorist attacks in Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad, and Niger Republic. In 2014, 23 percent of all terrorismrelated deaths worldwide occurred in northern Nigeria. Although we do not have complete figures for how many people Boko Haram has killed in 2015, the terrorist group has dramatically increased its crossborder attacks into Chad, Cameroon and Niger, with a spate of suicide bombings earlier this year killing at least 53 people in N’Djamena, the Chadian capital.

AlShabaab in Somalia:

Another SubSaharan African country, Somalia, continues to struggle to combat Islamic terrorism as AlShabaab seeks to undermine various incarnations of the Somali government since 2009. Despite suffering major setbacks in 2014 and being pushed out of all the major cities of the country, AlShabaab killed more people in terrorist attacks this past year than ever before at least 800 people in more than 400 attacks.3 AlShabaab has also attempted to strike outside of Somalia, killing people in attacks in Djibouti, Ethiopia, and Kenya.

Northern Mali:

Despite the push back from Malians backed by other African forces and French military that routed out Islamist militant forces (Operation Serval) in 2013, Northern Mali, remains a hotbed for Islamic terrorist activity. As 4 the recent attack on the Hotel Radisson Blu in Bamako last Friday showed, terrorist groups in Mali, notably Ansar Dine and Al Mourabitoun (which has claimed responsibility for the attack)5, have begun to attack “soft targets” such as hotels, cafes, and supermarkets.

Development

In the past two decades, gross national income (GNI) per capita has almost doubled in many countries across Africa. According to the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other international financial institutions, many African countries have taken steps to improve the environment for doing business, as a result of which the costs and time required to start a business have declined substantially. Five African countries, Benin, Cote d’Ivoire, DRC, Senegal, and Togo, even rank in the top 10 countries worldwide for enacting reforms that make it easier to do business. Surely, the continent’s abundance of natural resources is driving some economic gains. Africa remains a viable trading partner with a multiplicity of untapped mineral resources. For example, Guinea, with a population of 12 million people, is the world's second largest producer of bauxite and has rich deposits of diamonds and gold. Guinea comes after Australia in bauxite production, but at the same time, maintains the highest bauxite reserves in the world, far ahead of Australia. Ghana and South Africa figure prominently among the top ten gold producing countries in the world. Five African countries Cote d'lvoire, Ghana, Nigeria, Cameroon, and Togo are among the top 10 world producers of cocoa. Five others Ethiopia, Cote d'lvoire, Uganda, Cameroon and Togo are among the top ten world producers of coffee. Gulf of Guinea countries that include Nigeria, Gabon, Congo Brazzaville, Equatorial Guinea and Angola, account for close to 20 percent of oil imports into the United States; and new technology in oil exploration and production is contributing to new oil discoveries in countries such as Mauritania, Chad, Ghana, Cote d'lvoire, Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique, and even Niger. Take a look at the mineral map of the DRC: cobalt, coal, natural gas, nickel, diamonds, gemstones, gold, water resources for hydroelectric purposes, to name a few. Today’s era of globalization has witnessed a boom of new technologies. Financial flows, together with innovation, create markets that foster growth; and one of the biggest growing sectors on the continent is the information and communications technology sector (ICT). Several reports indicate that in 2014, globally, investments in the ICT sector only increased in Africa. Countries such as Kenya,

Ghana, Rwanda, Tanzania, South Africa and Nigeria have made huge investments in ICT infrastructure, working in partnership with international agencies, ICT vendors and researchers. This is no surprise, as Africa is also home to 200 million young people between the ages of 15 and 24, a number that could double by 2045 according to the African Development Bank. This age group is the biggest consumer of technological goods, and as they grow in numbers, so does the demand in this sector. The demographics, if properly managed, are a real asset for Africa. The grievance that many Africans carry, and rightly so, is that these rosy stories of macroeconomic trends and economic potential on the African continent do not translate necessarily into improvements in the wellbeing of ordinary citizens. Too many Africans still live below the poverty line, youth unemployment is extremelyhigh, corruption and economic crimes are high, and investment in the social sectors of health, education, and public welfare are very low. The bottom line is that Africa is not a poor continent. Indeed, it is a rich and wealthy continent both in terms of human capital and natural resources; but it is the poor management of these resources that causes extreme poverty on the continent, and an ever expanding gap between the rich and the poor.

Uneven distribution of economic gains contributes to insecurity as disaffected citizens living in poverty may turn against the government status quo. It is this excessive poverty, not just in economic terms but also in access to political space, freedom, and the civil liberties that most of the world takes for granted, that pushes young Africans to seek greener pastures in other lands, sometimes through the hazards of illegal migration and human trafficking, or that makes young people vulnerable to the recruiter incentives of extremist movements. In this regard, the youth population bulge I described earlier as an asset could become a liability: while having a larger working age population should increase public revenues that can be used to support societal needs, in Africa high levels of unemployment translates into increases in the number of disaffected young people that could be instrumental to movements turned against the state. Speaking at the last conference on migration held in Malta a few weeks ago, the President of Niger Republic Mahamadou Issoufou stated that “over 100,000 illegal migrants from subSaharan Africa cross Niger and the Sahara desert every year in search of better livelihoods in Europe.” He listed the causes of such illicit activity as linked to poverty, inequalities, and the deficits of democracy, and then urged Europe and Africa to work together to create conditions for people to feel they could lead decent lives in their home countries.

Governance and Democracy

Political stability that is founded on institutiondriven effective governance creates an enabling environment for sustainable economic development and eliminating the conditions that serve as breeding grounds for extremism. In authoritarian environments, investors must worry that the rules on commercial transactions and other engagements could always be changed overnight at the whims of one man or of a tiny circle of oligarchs. Invariably, a government with questionable legitimacy is less likely to build the national consensus needed to deliver effective social services to citizens and generate or sustain longterm economic growth and development. On the contrary, such a government devotes public resources to sustaining a system of patronage, prebendalism and corruption, without which its stay in power becomes tenuous. The development of strong democratic institutions and good governance practices therefore contributes substantially to growth and development. With the third wave of democratization that began after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War, Africa saw the independence of Namibia in 1989/1990, the end of apartheid and release of Nelson Mandela in South Africa in 1991, and the fall of many military and autocratic regimes. In fact, in 1990, Freedom House, which ranks freedoms around the world, rated only four African countries Senegal,

Botswana, Mauritius, and the Gambia as partially free or democratic. Today, Freedom House rates about 11 African countries as totally free and another 19 as partially free, for a total of about 30. Indeed, many African countries have made considerable progress in the past two decades in renewing political leadership, conducting credible and transparent elections, providing space for vibrant political parties and civil society organizations, and creating new institutions that espouse the rule of law, democracy and good governance. For example, the African Union Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance (2007), and subregional entities such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), InterGovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have protocols that promote free trade and allow for free movement of persons and goods, hence promoting more open markets. In today's Africa, unlike two decades ago, civil society is vibrant and seeks to play an advocacy role; human rights organizations exist and regularly denounce the gross violations of human rights by the dozen or so remaining autocratic regimes; and independent media (that includes community based radio stations and print media) provide opportunities for diverse viewpoints and dissenting voices to be heard.

For example, through the first quarter of 2012, Senegal’s democracy was tested by controversy over the candidacy of then incumbent President Wade, viewed by many Senegalese as contrary to the term limits enshrined in the country’s constitution. Thanks in large measure to effective grassroots mobilization by Senegalese civil society, the media, youth movements and political parties, the electoral process was safeguarded and the country experienced a credible transition of power. Similarly, in Burkina Faso in October 2014, when military strongman and longserving Blaise Compaore tried to amend the country’s constitution to extend his 27 years rule, he was chased out of office by a citizenled revolt that was largely peaceful. Not surprisingly, in September this year when remnants of Compaore’s supporters in the presidential guard staged a coup against the transition process, citizens took to the streets and with support from civil society, independent media, and the armed forces of the country, foiled the coup attempt. The Senegal and Burkina Faso examples are significant because they demonstrate that other tenets of democracy are taking root across Africa, and when properly mobilized can serve as a firewall to democratic backsliding.

It is against the backdrop of these significant political changes in Africa that many Africans and friends of the continent lament and condemn the backsliding observed in countries such as Burundi, Congo Brazzaville and Rwanda, where leaders are undermining constitutional rule by manipulating the rule of law to perpetuate themselves in office. By so doing, these leaders shrink or close political space and open the doors to violence and gross violations of human rights as citizens suffocate under their heavy handedness and feel obliged to seek alternativemeans of making their voices heard and their votes count.

Synthesis

In this 21st century, security, development, and governance are deeply intertwined. In today’s very competitive globalizing world, only African countries that are able to tackle all three challenges simultaneously will do well; the nonperformers will invariably face backsliding and rejection. Some countries on the continent are still plagued by issues of corruption, shrinking political space and lack of credible political transitions, and marginalization of its poorest communities. Without effective political leadership and the appropriate delivery of public services to citizens, the prerequisites for development would never be met, and the Millennium Development Goals would remain a distant illusion. To have sustained economic growth, Africa needs inclusive economic institutions and viable political systems capable of creating an enabling environment for private sector investments and exercising proper oversight. In short, today’s debate is not just about having a nation state in name; it is, and should be, more importantly, about how the state is governed. In looking at the way forward,we must recognize that Africa is a fast growing continent in which approximately 40 percent of the population is below 15 years old. In countries such as Mali and Uganda, close to 50 percent of the population is below 15 years old compared to only 20 percent in the USA and approximately 13 percent for Germany. Africa is therefore a youthful continent. There is no doubt in my mind that the youthful population of Africa is an asset to the continent and the world if the continent’s political leaders can create opportunities for these youth to find gainful employment and lead meaningful lives. Africa calls for visionary leadership, and the world has a vested interest in accompanying the continent in this search. Friends of Africa and the continent’s population of approximately one billion people continue to aspire to a better future one in which the three challenges of security, development and good governance are guaranteed. For these aspirations to come to fruition, the continent’s leaders must commit to prioritizing these three areas and conducting themselves as true servants of their people. They must also demonstrate the ability to project Africa on the global stage such that this beautiful continent can make its contribution to the world as part of the global community of our very humanity.Thank you very much for your time and attention.

Details: Ngwa Bertrand; 28.Nov.2015; Hits: 3161

In Nigeria, the lack of improved healthcare facilities has led to high rate of medical tourism while the poor masses who cannot afford the resources for such medical travels become victims of poor health management. Few who leave school as doctors and nurses cannot concentrate to work at home; travelling to the West becomes a key in their plans, as the available opportunities are limited, due to lack of good healthcare facilities. Addressing these issues is most paramount as it is of great concern to global health. Nigeria, and most other African countries have the resources to assure their citizens of the best medical conditions in the world today. The inability of so many countries in Africa to improve healthcare and healthcare facilities is a major problem for global health security. The problem of our leaders and their cabinets to do tangible things at the level of global health is attributed to bad governance characterized by corruptive practices.

The problem with Nigeria is that corruption has become part and parcel of the country’s agenda. Corruption in Nigeria is like a cankerworm that has eaten into the bone marrows of the leaders of the Nigerian government. The amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates in 1914 stands as a key historical moment that put Nigeria in the present cynical condition. The military governments destroyed Nigeria, and in a country that is made up of different ethnic groups, emancipation of ethnic and tribal strife becomes the order of the day. At the inception of democracy, people do not vote based on transparency or character of those seeking elective posts but tribal and ethnic interests. No matter how good you are, if you are not from my ethnic group or my zone, you are not qualified to have my vote. The poor masses suffer these anomalies more and poverty, marginalization, segregation and sectionalism rules Nigeria today.

This decay as seen in the discussion so far has caused Nigerians the loss of basic facilities that are prerequisites for making life bearable and for authentic human existence. There is decay in all facets of the Nigerian government; the education sector, health, personnel management, oil and gas sector, aviation and so on. This collapse has penetrated into the healthcare system in Nigeria, leaving its marks there. These negative marks can only be salvaged if people are ready to cooperate in fighting corruption. The Nigerian healthcare system has witnessed a gradual decline in recent years due to the inability of the government to provide the essential facilities that help in the better running of a healthcare system. In discussing improvement of healthcare facilities, it is important to note that healthcare and healthcare facilities are two complementary points. Looking at the decadence in healthcare facilities in Nigeria, it has to do with all the facets of healthcare, personnel management, good hospitals, emergency services, keeping data sensitivity, health pharmaceutical companies and so on. At the heart of the improvement of healthcare facilities in Nigeria and other developing countries is the importance of a well-equipped hospital. Since the oil relapse in Nigeria in the early 70s and 80s, instead of witnessing a considerable growth in the health system, a considerable decline in budgetary allocation to the health ministry has been noticed. Budgetary specification on the healthcare system in Nigeria hardly exceeds 3% of the overall national budgetary outlay. Primary attention cannot be given to healthcare improvement as politicians loot and embezzle billions of dollars from the national treasury without being charged for embezzlement.

Due to the negligible attention to healthcare system in Nigeria, there is an explosion of private health practitioners in Nigeria that has made the populace more vulnerable than ever. People now rely more on private healthcare systems than government provided health schemes. Since there is a demeaning attention toward healthcare system, most of the available places are either too costly or not functional. This leads to the pluralization of health care in Nigeria with so many getting into the business of patent medicine sellers in order to alleviate the health conditions of the poor. In some states, 75 percent of the healthcare facilities are provided by the private sector. Private medical practice is also on the increase in Nigeria; fewer medical doctors opt to work with the government. Some who work for the government also use the opportunity to manipulate patients by inducing them into visiting their private clinics instead of the government hospitals. Meanwhile, in their private clinics, they do not have the standard facilities needed for the treatment of that particular illness.

The practice of selling and buying medications without prescriptions in Chemist shops in Nigeria has become an opening for many dealers to extort money from the people. The intention originally was to help the poor but at this level, so many ill actions troop in and poor people are exploited. The healthcare system is porous, and the poor become more vulnerable. The doctors who invite them to their personal clinics exploit them, and when they cannot finance it, they purchase behind the counter medicine, where they are exploited all the more. It is important to note that all the payments made for the purchases are out of pocket payments as most times, you are expected to pay for the service before receiving the service. There are few hospitals in Nigeria where the health insurance scheme is active. The Federal ministry of health estimates that over 70 percent of healthcare payments are made out-of-pocket. I remember taking a young accident victim to the hospital for treatment and he was refused treatment until I made some deposits. For life to improve in Nigeria and other developing countries, healthcare facilities must be improved, beginning with the rehabilitation of our hospitals with the most recent and sophisticated healthcare facilities for sustainability of good health. Not just that, our pharmaceutical companies are to be upgraded too, to avoid fake and substandard drugs from entering the healthcare market. Poor quality drugs enter the healthcare market through the back door and this poses a big problem to healthcare security in Nigeria. The National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) in Nigeria has fought this ailment since 1993 and has actually helped to safeguard the lives of Nigerians through the constant war it wages against fake and substandard drugs and medications in the Nigerian healthcare market.

Another factor about the Nigeria health care system is the growing phenomenon of medical tourism and brain drain problems as byproducts of failing healthcare facilities and delivery in Nigeria. Nigeria and some other developing countries witness a massive embrace for medical treatments overseas. I remember a politician friend who made it clear to me that; “I cannot visit a Nigerian hospital for medical treatment, when I am sick,” and just as he told me, earlier this year, he told me that he is in United States for his routine checks. I remember asking him a question: “if my grandmother in the village is sick, can she make it to the United States too for treatment?” I cannot blame him for coming to the US on a medical trip because he has to take care of his health, but I blame people like him in the government who have not done enough to guarantee safety of life and properties for the poor masses.

The Nigeria of my dream is a Nigeria that is structured on mutual interdependence, love, justice and equity, a country laying its foundation on respect for human dignity, human needs and embellished with the protection of human rights. The poor masses have a life to protect, they have a right to live and this life should be protected. Provision of healthcare facilities is paramount in an effort to restore the dignity and empty life of the poverty-ridden people of Nigeria. Resources are to be distributed equally to all corners of the country, and special attention should be given to the rights of women in the far north who suffer in the hands of their husbands. Equity in health cannot be achieved if clear and conscious efforts to promote population health and to protect the welfare of all people do not become a political imperative. Fighting the Ebola virus and succeeding in that venture is an indication that the Nigerian government can conquer corruption to a reasonable extent if it decides to do that in order to hand over a better life to the ageing and a bright future to the young.

At the heart of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are health related issues; hunger, child mortality, maternal health, HIV/AIDS and Malaria. The year is already half spent, though two thirds of the goals have not been realized. It is still not late because it is never late to save lives. Catholic Social teaching stresses the dignity of every human life and the universal common good. Our leaders need to stand up in the face of the present injustice to guarantee all citizens justice in all fairness. The rehabilitation of the lost glories of our hospitals, emancipated in an ethic of life flourishing, in a nation blessed with so many natural resources, equity will be achieved through distributive justice. All the rural villages neglected for so long will be given attention, and the health workers will begin to have a better attitude toward the sick entrusted to their care. The improvement of the financial strength of the Community health centers, and the early payment of medical health workers’ wages is a prerequisite to guarantee the lives of the poor masses that depend on their services for good life. The life of each one of us is unique; humans are created in the image and likeness of God. The life of every one of us in Nigeria is as important as the life of the president. May the government of Nigeria rise up to protect this Image of God through the provision of the essentials of healthcare and its facilities for the betterment of the citizens, especially the vulnerable populations in the society.

The Church’s teaching on liberation theology and option for the poor reminds us that: “it is important that numerous Christians, whose faith is clear and who are committed to live the Christian life in its fullness, become involved in the struggle for justice, freedom, and human dignity because of their love for their disinherited, oppressed, and persecuted brothers and sisters.” This is an invitation to fight for the common good of all, that those marginalized may be empowered again in their localities through the provision of affordable healthcare opportunities.

I call for a good medical insurance that will be accessible to all, both the rich and the poor alike, not what we had which covers only the rich without covering the poor in the society. By doing this, Nigeria will put the lives of its citizens first before every other thing, checkmating the excesses of some rich corrupt government officials who loot the collective basket of the nation.

I invite the Church to keep promoting the preferential option for the poor, where the government through the continuous knock on their doors from the leaders of the Church, will realize the necessity of upholding the rights of all the citizens, to good and adequate healthcare thereby, providing just means to see to the distributive efficiency of the health system. The Church should not relent, considering experiences of looting and corruption of the past; more young people should be trained in the Church owned hospitals so that they keep alleviating the hopelessness of the communities who have been forgotten by the government. Prayerfully, hoping on God who does not abandon his people, we hand over our leaders, asking for a change of heart and attitude from them in their leadership roles.

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Details: Ngwa Bertrand; 26.Nov.2015; Hits: 1708