Politics

Former Prime Minister Peter Mafany Musonge has submitted his  resignation letter to the president of the Senate in Yaoundé . It was during a plenary session on Wednesday.
Musonge is the current and pioneer president of the National Commission for the Promotion of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism created some months ago to handle problems related to the bilingual and multicultural nature of the country.
Until now, Musonge had been occupying two positions; senator and president of the commission.
This resignation is a desperate attempt to abide by some of the rules of the Electoral Code, which prohibit parliamentarians from holding any other elective post or any public function.
This decision is coming at a time when the pressure from critics was already going out of control.
Some media outlets had raised concerns about the integrity of the former PM.
Th Commission for the Promotion of Bilingualism and multiculturalism was created by Paul Biya in the wake of the unrest in West Cameroon. One of its most important objectives is to curb the linguistic marginalization of West Cameroonians, a mission which is rather challenging.

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Rita Akana

05.Jul.2017

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A certain pastor profited from this situation to speak against the guilty individuals who according to him had something to do with his imprisonment some months back.

In a letter addressed to the Head of State between the 21-22 June 2017, accompanied by a complaint. Mr Nkoma Augustin a pastor and ex-detainee of the Kodengui central prison, includes a handful of Biya’s close collaborators as well as the members of his family, magistrates and police officials.

In this letter, the individuals 16 in number, are accused of being involved in his 6-month detention. Other complaints in the letter include, false accusations, abusive detention, and lies telling.

According to facts outlined in the letter, Mr Nkoma declared to have been illegally summoned on the 22 July 2016 by the GMI and then subsequently put behind bars for one week after which he went to the public prosecutor. From there he was sent to the Kodengui central prison. He was accused of crookery against Madame Baroux the mother in-law of Frank Biya.

Being the leader of an association called Apad, he wrote a letter to the State, making clear his wish that State authorities give him some attention in view of the preparation of the arrival in Cameroon of certain Indian investors, among whom Madame Nyangono Ebollo, Frank Biya’s in-law’s name figured. This is what attracted the attention of Ferdinand Ngoh Ngoh, the Secretary General at the Presidency of the Republic and which consequently led to his detention.

According to the pastor, he was judged without evidences, without the victims in question, no witnesses nor accusers. He left prison on the 10 of February, after his time in detention elapsed.

It is further noted in the letter that Frank Biya will be answering to accusations of possession of illicitly gotten property. The complaint is principally put forward by the non-governmental organisation, Transparency international.

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Pavel Joseph Nyuysuliy

05.Jul.2017

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twin-suicide attack in Cameroon on Monday evening left at least four persons dead and many injured, a newspaper has reported, a continuation of a reign of terror which started in Nigeria in 2009 and expanded to Cameroon in 2014.

Reliable Cameroonian newspaper, L’Oeil du Sahel, said the suicide attacks occurred in the locality of Homaka in the country’s far north.

The newspaper said at least four dead were counted while there were many people injured.

Boko Haram has been wreaking havoc in Cameroon and Nigeria in recent months, killing many, displacing thousands and kidnapping children to turn them into suicide bombers and women into sex slaves.

In more than 500 gun and bomb attacks, Boko Haram has killed more than two thousand civilians in Cameroon since 2014 and displaced hundreds of thousands. Hundreds of soldiers and policemen have also been murdered.

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Simon Ateba

04.Jul.2017

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The President of the National Communication Council has warned cable distributors in the North West and South West regions airing signals of the Southern Cameroons Broadcasting Corporation that will be heavily sanctioned if they continue doing so.Peter Essoka who was speaking during a working session with media professionals in Bamenda described their acts as rebellious, illegal and clandestine. 

There is no doubt the SCBC has gained grounds and is very popular in the Anglophone regions of Cameroon. But Peter Essoka says the channel based in South Africa is out to destabilize the country. He advised cable operators against distributing such content whose legality is unknown. He says that the vision of the SCBC is against the fundamental  principles of the state.

The veteran journalist has urged cable distributors to  legalize their status or face crackdown from authorities.

Peter Essoka's warnings comes on the heels of the arrest of a Ndop based cable distributor arrested for allegely broadcasting SCBC signals. Others have gone into hiding as they fear brutal crackdown from the regime as even viewers who patronize the channel now live in fear.

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04.Jul.2017

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Turning and turning in the widening gyre
The falcon cannot hear the falconer;
Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world...

It is in these terms that Chinua Achebe starts his epic novel, Things Fall Apart, written in 1958. It is, in fact, an excerpt of the poem by W.B. Yates, “The Second Coming”. Chinua Achebe’s novel is more or less about the transition from colonial Nigeria to independence, viewed through the life of Okonkwo, an Igbo wrestler.

Cameroon is itself at the crossroads of a transition and, whether we accept it or not, the signs are glaring. A population, of which 70% is under 30 years and worried about its tomorrow, is slowly choking under the stranglehold of a group of oligarchs whose only worry is about today and their self-preservation, totally oblivious to the inevitable nature of change: that today is tomorrow’s yesterday, and tomorrow always comes.

The scary fact is that, in less than a year, those who govern us have effectively leveraged the diversity of Cameroon into a tool divide our nation. By preventing citizens – Common Law lawyers and Anglophone teachers – from exercising the basic right to demonstrate which is enshrined in our Constitution, they set off a spark and today, months later, we find ourselves in a situation where things seem to be falling apart. We are now divided between secessionists, federalists and those seeking decentralization. We are divided between Francophones and Anglophones. We are divided between North Westerners and South Westerners. We are divided between Bamilekes and Betis. We are even divided between Ewondos, Bulus and Etons; between the Bamouns and the Bamilekes. The non-homogenous nature of regions makes them tailor ready for division. You find the Mbam in the Centre Region, the Bassa in the central region, people of the Sawa origin in the southern region, people of Sancho in the Menoua Western, and so on. Muslims and Christians in the north live together as one and seeds of discord are sown at convenience. The list goes on. This is the delicate balance on which our country sits. If we are to survive and thrive, we must listen to each other and constantly engage in honest dialogue about the future of Cameroon. Any form of arrogance and reckless discrimination, regardless of the nature, instigator or perpetrator, can only threaten this delicate balance.

The visit of the prelate from Douala who is the head of the Episcopal Conference was either ill-advised or ill-conceived, or maybe even both. So here we are; the church that was the rock and only survivor of this quagmire with the chance to be a moral voice and a strong mediator is now weakened by the perception that it too is now divided. The “Eglise Evangelique” has also gotten its taste of the virus of division favored by a climate in which we now tend to concentrate on what divides us than on what we have in common. The Bishop of Bafia was found dead on the shores of the River Sanaga, a couple of days after his car was found on the Ebebda Bridge over the Sanaga. The strange thesis of suicide was immediately proclaimed even before the body was found. Now it is clear from the declaration of the Episcopal Conference, that the venerated Bishop was the victim of a callous crime. So, whither are we bound?

As regards what is now known as the “Anglophone Problem” (I always use this appellation with hesitation because I have never understood whether it means the Anglophones have a problem, or that Anglophones constitute a problem, and if so for whom?) certain measures have been announced as an answer to the complaints that were put forward by the teachers and lawyers. The simple fact is that an academic year has been lost, lawyers are still on strike, many Anglophones have been forced to escape into exile and others remain in prison. Internet that was disconnected was brought back after 93 days and an outcry that was echoed over the whole world against such a collective form of punishment. We emerged from the saga with a world record of the longest-running Internet blackout – a record in which some have taken pride as proof of power, with some even expecting the deprived regions to feel grateful for the reconnection.

Anglophone prelates from all the oldest churches of Cameroon (Baptist, Catholic and Presbyterian Churches) have now been dragged to court. An unfortunate atmosphere has been created in which being an Anglophone now constitutes the first indices of being a secessionist, a troublemaker or a potential terrorist. I speak with the certainty of one of those who have been so classified. That is what it has come to, for those who worry for the country, seek equality equity and dialogue. That is what it has come to, a situation in which, when one makes concrete proposals after factual and reasoned analysis of the facts, one can be branded a potential enemy of the nation. If the ever-increasing trend of bad governance is not reversed very soon, we will wake up in a country that none of us recognize. The first step will be to reverse certain unfortunate results of the knee-jerk approach we have had in response to the outcry of our Cameroonian brothers and sisters. National healing is the primary guarantee for national dialogue.

So what should we do to start the healing?

On the Matter of Ongoing Criminal Proceedings:
It is generally accepted that the release of all those arrested will boost the goodwill and pave the way to dialogue. The law actually allows for this. As regards the detainees and the different trials going on in the Military Tribunal Regions as well in the courts in the Anglophone regions, against citizens, clerics and prelates, it is important to recall the provisions of Article 64 (1) of the Criminal Procedure Code which states:

“The Procureur General of a Court of Appeal may, by express authority of the Ministry in Charge of Justice, enter a nolle prosequi, at any stage before judgment on the merits is delivered, if such proceedings could seriously imperil social interest or public order.”

This provision of the law describes the exact situation we are in. It is applicable to the ordinary courts. An equivalent provision exists for the proceedings instituted before the Military Jurisdictions. This is section 12 of the Law No.2008 of December 2008 Organizing Military Justice Anyone talking about peace and reconciliation in good faith should immediately resort to these provision, to put a halt to the current situation, which is accelerating the country’s glide towards division and conflict. I remember assisting my brother, Batonnier Bernard Muna, in drafting the Amnesty Law that was proposed to the then Secretary General of the Presidency of the Republic of Cameroon, Mr. Sadou Hayatou, for the attention of the Head of State. It was sent to Parliament and adopted in the interest of peace and reconciliation. A telex message was even sent from the Presidency congratulating Bernard for his patriotic spirit. Today, here we are, Cameroonians, asking for this. International organisations and NGOs have joined the chorus. We should heed these calls and save our nation from further division. Those who sought refuge in arrogance and repression must certainly realize that this is choking the country.

On the Matter of Common Law Magistrates and Judges:
I have read that a Common Law section has been opened at the School of Magistracy and that exams will be scheduled. It is good that concrete solutions are being proposed, but we can and should go further than that. The above action will take at least four years to start producing results. The law does already provide us with a solution that that will produce almost immediate results and cause us to start conforming not only to the Common Law training but also to the Common law culture and tradition: Section 14 of Decree No. 2004/080 from the 13th of April 2004, lays down a procedure for lawyers and other categories of trained jurists to be integrated in to the Magistracy at different grades depending on their years of experience. This is the Common Law tradition. Some lawyers with revered experience and with reputations for moral rectitude could be selected to become judges.

Not only would this provide an almost immediate solution, but also, it would be applying the Common Law tradition whereby a large number of members of the judiciary are recruited from the private Bar. To date only one person seems to have benefited from this tradition. That is the late Chief SML Endeley who started out as a Barrister before becoming the Chief Justice of West Cameroon. A reminder of this fact was the strong showing of the Bar at his historic funeral in Buea.

In a country where there is a total lack of trust towards a government that is long on promises and short on delivery, there are many who do not see any of the proposed measures bearing fruit anytime soon. Instead, they are viewed as yet another ruse – another dilatory tactic. Decentralization is contained in the 1996 Constitution, and over twenty years later, the Regions yet have to elect a President. A measure that was promoted as the equivalent of a federation in 1996 has since 2004 been watered down to a structure in which elected officials are under the control of political appointees. Even in that watered down form, 13 years after, nothing has happened. I am afraid that in the present climate, any attempt at decentralization under the current legal framework will not address any of the substantial issues that are now being raised.

On the Matter of the Lost Academic Year:
If all the measures outlined above implemented, to show the government’s good faith in addressing the issues at hand, further steps can then be taken to address the interrupted school year. Specifically, intensive courses could be offered over the long vacation, along with a special second session of all the exams that have been disrupted. The start of the next academic year may even be slightly delayed, but we would have gone a long way in making amends. I hear there is an African proverb which says “when an adult falls, he stand up looks back; and when a child falls, he stands up looks forward”. The way to peace, dialogue and unity cannot be paved by the arrogant use of power and retributive justice. Even after 27 years of suffering, Mandela harnessed the wrath of a downtrodden people, who had witnessed the subjugation and murder of their own by an imperious few on the basis of race. In this present juncture the powers that be, have to decide on which side of history they choose to take their place.

I will conclude with a few lines on the Commission for Bilingualism and Multiculturalism. The biggest problem in policy nowadays is enforcement. Given this fact, anytime an institution is created with only advisory prerogatives, we might as well forget about the capacity of such an institution to be a tool to assist in the resolution of pressing issues. The Committee will have to provide advice, which can be accepted or rejected. Even if such advice is acquiesced, it must be followed by policy development, which in turn would need to be implemented effectively. If we are taking over 21 years, and still counting, to implement settled Constitutional provisions, we are kidding ourselves when we point to this Commission as the solution to any of the current issues. If you add to this equation the nature of its mandate, then we might just begin to understand the nature of the farce.

The time wasted weaving this web of division in which we unfortunately find ourselves distracts us from other seething issues that must be considered with the same amount of urgency.

First among these is the problem of the management of landed property in our country. The preamble of our constitution affirms, “The State shall ensure the protection of minorities and shall preserve the rights of indigenous populations in accordance with the law”; we should remember that according to article 65 of the same constitution, the preamble is part of the constitution.
The opacity in which the mining of minerals is managed in the Eastern Region of Cameroon in total absence of any discernable governance principles is saddening. The consequence of this on the lives of the “indigenous population” will come to haunt us. The management of lands in Kribi is not accompanied by any policy that is aimed at protecting the indigenous populations. The management of the returned land in Fako from the CDC to the rightful indigenous population is fraught with all manner of mismanagement. In the Extreme North a war is raging on perpetrated by a group of terrorists and bandits attempting to pass for religious fanatics. All international assessments have concluded that, the dire economic situation of the population has exposed them and they have fallen prey to the enticements and threats from these charlatans who unsuccessfully try to hide under the cover of a respectable religion.

As we tread forward, we must be ignited again by the spirit of a time when our country was poised for true greatness and distinction, not in spite of our differences, but precisely because of them. A time when the synthesis of Anglophone and Francophone cultures meant that we would be able to draw on the best of both parts. A time when we were convinced that we would be more competitive on the global stage because we could do business in the world’s major languages. A time when we knew that, even through our music, we would be able to appeal to many more. To borrow words from one of our founding fathers, Um Nyobe (also at a time when Cameroon was at a crossroads), the first step in moving Cameroon forward is by actively combating tribalism, and creating a system that is based on the best each of us have to offer. It is time for better governance that is in tune with the ideas and solutions proposed by those who love this country, and not one that seeks to silence the voices that disagree with the status quo. It is never too late to do the right thing.

In Chinua Achebe’s “Things Fall Apart”, he makes a savvy use of proverbs from the Igbo people. One that comes to mind is: "the lizard that jumped from the high Iroko tree to the ground said he would praise himself if no one else did”. Like the lizard, some are marching all over the country, monopolizing the public media in self-praise, while everyone else watches in complete stupefaction. They see that the center can no longer hold because things are falling apart. However, it is not too late to change our course.

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pereezdlenMO

04.Jul.2017

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 " I believe strongly that the crisis can be resolved; but it would have to be through genuine and inclusive dialogue in which the relevant segments of society are duly represented. Lives have been lost, property destroyed, academic years disrupted and even the functioning of courts and other public services negatively impacted; so this can no longer be treated as a simple case of corporatist demands. Huge segments of the population have lost confidence in the government’s ability to cater to their needs or heed their desire for their rights to be respected." Christopher Formunyoh was speaking in a exclusive interview with Hommes D'afrique Magazine

The English-speaking part of Cameroon is enduring a prolonged crisis. When did it start? What is the cause of the problem?

The current crisis burst to the surface in October 2016, provoked by grievances expressed by lawyers with regards to the application of Common Law in English speaking regions of Cameroon, and by teachers with regards to the role of the English language and the protection of the Anglo-Saxon curriculum in schools and colleges in the same regions of the country. These grievances had been simmering for many years. The brutality of the security services in responding to the actions of these two groups then sparked a general revolt within a population that has been feeling aggrieved and disaffected with the management of political power in Cameroon. It is unfortunate that lives have been lost in the process, properties have been destroyed and hundreds of Anglophone Cameroonians are now in detention, many of whom are being tried before a military tribunal in Yaounde on charges of terrorism and insurrection.

How would you qualify the response of the government to the crisis?

The government response showed a lot of weaknesses at the beginning of the crisis, perhaps because it hoped the crisis could be swept under the rug. First, there was the use of excessive brute force on university students and unarmed civilians who were demonstrating peacefully for their rights. Secondly, some government officials made very spiteful public statements that further inflamed tensions by claiming there was no marginalization of Anglophones in Cameroon, and this led many people to conclude that the government had underestimated the degree to which Anglophone Cameroonians are disaffected with its approach to governance over the past five decades. In more recent weeks, some actions have been taken by the government to address some of the specific demands by lawyers and teachers. However, it is difficult to imagine a definitive resolution of the ongoing crisis without a comprehensive approach that tackles all the issues raised through an inclusive and open dialogue with the most aggrieved parties and other Anglophone leaders. Needless to say that some of the solutions being proposed by the government are being undermined by the fact that highly respected Anglophone lawyers, University lecturers, teachers and civic leaders are still in detention in Yaounde. I see their unconditional release as a confidence building measure that could facilitate further dialogue, and I have publicly called on the government to do that.

Could you give the historical context that may help everyone to understand the crisis?

The question of Anglophone marginalization in Cameroon has been recurrent at various points since independence in 1960, and reunification of the two Cameroons in 1961. Over time, these grievances have been exacerbated, notably by the dissolution of the Federal Republic of Cameroon in 1972 and its transformation into a unitary state; and then the changing of the country’s name in 1984 from “the United Republic of Cameroon” to just “the Republic of Cameroon” – which incidentally was the name of French speaking Cameroon prior to reunification in 1961. By this change, the government opened itself to criticism by many Anglophones that it no longer had regard for Anglophone Cameroonians. Moreover, over the years, Anglophones have felt shut out of senior government positions as illustrated by the fact that today, the most senior Anglophone is the fourth in line of state protocol, and not even in the line of presidential succession, as opposed to the second position that was initially written into the federal constitution of 1961. Also, only one Anglophone is a cabinet minister with a full portfolio in the current government (of about 40 ministers with portfolios), and that is the Minister of Forestry and Wildlife. For many Anglophones, this is a marginalization gone too far.

How is the crisis affecting the rest of Cameroon?

Media discussions around the crisis have provided an opportunity for many Cameroonians of the younger generation in all 10 regions of the country to gain insights into the country’s history. The crisis has also spurred leaders from other regions of the country -- within political parties, academia, civil society and religious bodies -- to speak out for social justice and equity. For example, when internet was shut down for three months in Anglophone regions of the country, some of the strongest advocates against that act of collective punishment and deprivation were fellow Cameroonians from other regions of the country, including many that are based in foreign countries such as France, Germany, Belgium, the United Kingdom and the United States. There’s no doubt that fellow Cameroonians in the other regions who have relatives and friends in the two Anglophone regions also feel the pinch, just as the slowdown in business in these regions has negatively impacted the economy of the country as a whole.

What has so far been the African and the international reaction to that crisis? How do you appreciate that reaction?

Africa and the world at large seem to be so consumed by other burning global crises that little attention is being paid to the situation in Cameroon. Of course, the special representative of the United Nations Secretary General for the Central Africa sub region visited the country at the peak of the crisis and may have contributed to the calming of tensions and lifting of the internet shut down. Some foreign governments issued statements through their embassies in Yaounde, but the overall response has been timid. Perhaps this is a sign that everyone hopes we would resolve the crisis without further loss of life and other forms of violence.

What solution would you propose for the crisis?

I believe strongly that the crisis can be resolved; but it would have to be through genuine and inclusive dialogue in which the relevant segments of society are duly represented. Lives have been lost, property destroyed, academic years disrupted and even the functioning of courts and other public services negatively impacted; so this can no longer be treated as a simple case of corporatist demands. Huge segments of the population have lost confidence in the government’s ability to cater to their needs or heed their desire for their rights to be respected. As Cameroonians, we therefore have an obligation to create an enabling environment in which all of the grievances raised can be thoroughly discussed and mutually agreeable solutions found. If citizens in Anglophone regions feel alienated from the Yaounde-based government, signing numerous decrees in Yaounde regarding the crisis while keeping Anglophone leaders in jail will not resolve the grievances. This is the 21st century and citizens are demanding for their voices to be heard and for their dignity to be respected. They want a seat at the table, and democratic governments have learned to provide the appropriate space for diverse viewpoints to be heard and integrated into decision making. I therefore believe that only through the creation of such proper space for healthy, constructive, and all-inclusive dialogue can we, as Cameroonians, find a common understanding on the way forward. Our forefathers negotiated important transactions with the colonial powers, and the generation of our fathers negotiated independence and reunification; there is therefore no reason why our generation which is more educated and better equipped than they were should be denied the opportunity to also hammer out the rules that will determine and guide our future wellbeing. You cannot deny a whole generation that opportunity, especially when their demand is inspired by a genuine desire to rectify the failures and shortcomings of past decades.

Since independence in 1960, Cameroon has been ruled by only two presidents -- Ahmadou Ahidjo from 1960 to 1982, and then Paul Biya from that date up to today. What explains this fact? What are its consequences on Cameroon’s political and economic life?

Your question definitely captures the very limited space for political entrepreneurship in Cameroon. Our inability to regularly renew political leadership in the country has led us to where we are today. We are governed by octogenarians whereas close to 60/65 percent of the population is less that 30 years old. Since independence, Cameroon as a country never experienced a peaceful transfer of power through the ballot box although Anglophone Cameroon did at the sub-national level. On the other hand, for African countries such as Senegal, Ghana, Benin, Cote d’Ivoire, Botswana, Kenya, Nigeria, Niger, Mali, Mauritius, South Africa, the alternation of political leadership is commonplace. Democracy in these African countries and lots more is vibrant; ours in Cameroon is on life support. This state of affairs has a chilling effect on our ability to thrive as a people. We are a country of giants suffocating under the yoke of sit-tight, autocratic old men, whose inability to live up to citizens’ expectations inhibit our ability to shine as a nation. This prevailing sense of lack of opportunity and political uncertainty also impacts negatively on the attractiveness of whatever business and investment opportunities we have but that are not being fully exploited.

 Presidential elections will be held in Cameroon in October 2018. Paul Biya, who will be 85 years old then will probably run for another seven-year term. Previous election results in Cameroon have been disputed because of fraud and the absence of a level playing field for candidates. What must be done to level the playing field during the competition and during the counting of the ballots?

The need for electoral reform in Cameroon is long overdue. Many political parties and civil society organizations have drafted proposals on amendments that could improve the electoral framework and conditions for free and fair elections. I have always said that it is better to have a common understanding of the ground rules before we go into elections than to spend energy and resources managing post election crises because of failed or flawed polls. Cameroonians are clamouring for change. They are restive about the desire that it happen through the ballot box, and I hope that using modern technology, the election management body (ELECAM) and citizens groups would enhance transparency in the entire process so that the accuracy of the outcome is not in doubt, and the result is accepted peacefully by all parties and candidates. Cameroon’s track record on competitive presidential elections is abysmal, but the world is fast changing and global trends favor the younger generation who form the bulk of our demographics; and therefore extraordinary steps must be taken to make sure the 2018 polls are different from past experiences.

 In the lead up to the 2011 presidential election, rumors circulated that you would run. You didn’t. Why? Would you run for the next presidential election in 2018?

October 2011 is behind us and, at the time, I did explain to my fellow compatriots during a press conference in Douala why I did not present my candidacy then. Six, seven years since that time, the situation of the country has changed dramatically. Cameroonians are worse off today than they were six years ago. Democracy in our country is under serious threat. Political space is shrinking everyday and political parties, human rights organizations, the media and youth across the entire country can attest to that. Citizens in various sectors of society -- health, education, the private sector, etc -- are restless about their conditions of life and wellbeing, and prospects for their future. Add to that the Anglophone crisis we just discussed, and superimpose on all that the existential threats of violent extremism and Boko Haram in the northern part of the country and cross border insecurity from neighboring Central African Republic in the Eastern part of the country. Obviously, it goes without saying that the stress level for the country is high. Under such circumstances, Cameroonians are yearning for new ideas and new faces at the helm. They are asking committed, patriotic citizens to make their utmost contributions at the right time to improve the future wellbeing of their fellow country men and women. I owe it to my fellow compatriots to make my expertise and experience, and my global relationships available to them in what must be a collective effort or endeavor to redeem the fate and future of our beloved country.

Is that why you launched your personal Foundation in Cameroon, even as you continue to work for the National Democratic Institute (NDI) across the continent?

In fact, the Fomunyoh Foundation (www.tffcam.org) was launched in 1999 for the purpose of improving the wellbeing of my fellow compatriots. It is a non-profit organization whose activities are very much focused on humanitarian causes, education, civil society capacity building and cultural development. I see the Foundation as an opportunity for me to give back to my Cameroonian community on the home front, and I am extremely pleased that since its launch 18 years ago, we have conducted activities in all 10 regions of the country, in partnership with educational institutions, traditional authorities, youth and women organizations. I am humbled and truly gratified that all of the Foundation’s activities are always highly appreciated by the populations we serve. As I have gone across the country, I see that the population’s needs are enormous, and we therefore plan to continue to do more in the years to come.

source: Hommes D'Afrique Magazine N° 98 July 2017

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04.Jul.2017

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